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Full text of "The foundation of the Hospital and Free school of King Charles II., Oxmantown Dublin : commonly called the Blue coat school : with notices of some of its governors, and of contemporary events in Dublin from the foundation, 1668 to 1840, when its government by the city ceased"

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The duty of a governor of King's Hospital to consult its old 
records from time to time, led the writer naturally to a 
perusal of them all, until the task, sufficiently uninviting at 
first, became the subject of a continually increasing interest. 
The close connection of the School from its foundation with 
the City, whose chief magistrate was, for one hundred and 
seventy years, the standing chairman of the governors, and 
whose aldermen were always his official colleagues, brought 
the life of the school into constant communion with the life 
of the city ; whilst the usage, which prevailed during all 
this period, of co-opting to the Board distinguished persons 
from outside, brought the governors from time to time into 
relations with many of the highest personages in church and 
state, some of them historical and even illustrious, some less 
known, yet, who once were notables or notorious. Under 
King Charles's charter, the chief officer of the school, its 
chaplain and headmaster, was always appointed with the 
direct sanction of the Archbishops of Dublin, who, in the 
earlier years, were usually associated as Lords Justices with 
the government of the kingdom, and as the government of 
the city very often reflected that of the realm, so both will 
be found at times to be clearly reflected in the microcosm 
of the royal school of the city. Thus the old manuscript of 
our ancient Minute Books, sere and dead to the casual glance 
become to the student startlingl}'- revivified, as the names of 
men long forgotten or half forgotten, rise^up, like the dry 


bones in the valley of the prophet, luminous and animate, as 
though a breath had entered into them, and the atmosphere 
of our school, and its place in our mental vision, are then 
re-peopled with phantoms of the past, figures who were once 
chief actors on the stage of their day, makers of Dublin in 
great transitional epochs of her story. No one can be more 
conscious than the writer of the want of due proportion and 
of the undue discursiveness in many of the pages that follow. 
But if the fact that the governors were, throughout, the men 
charged with the rule of the city, and the conduct of its 
growth and development, be an inadequate excuse for the 
pages which have sought to trace the evolution of our 
Capital since the days of the Restoration, may the writer be 
permitted at least to hope that he has been enabled to recall 
some striking incidents of lasting interest, and to present 
them in lights, which, if not wholly new, exhibit them in 
relations in which they have not hitherto been familiar. 
His ambition will be more than satisfied if he has thus made 
even a slight contribution to the History of our Nolu/issiina 
Civitas, Dublin. 

The sources from which tliese chapters are drawn have 
been, for the most part, noted in the text, but a special 
acknowledgment is due of their constant indebtedness to 
vSir John Gilbert's great Calendar of the City Assembly Rolls, 
as continued by his talented widow. To the Corporation of 
Dublin, and their most courteous Town Clerk, Mr. Henry 
Campbell, and to his friend and brother governor, Mr. F. 
Elrmgton Ball, the accomplished author of The History of 
Dublin, the author's thanks are here gratefulh/ tendered. 

Frederick R. Falkiner. 

Axi^i'.st, igoC. 


I. Thomas, Earl of Ossory . . Frontispiece. 

{F'/om engraving by Vandervane — Sir Pder Lely, 


IT. Edward Wettenhall, Bishop of Cork, 1678, page 
KiLMORE, i6gg . . . , . . . . 41 

{From original Portrait by Vander Vaert.) 

III. Map OF St. Stephen's Green, as allotted, 

1664 .. .. ..43 

{From Rental Maps in King's Hospital.) 

IV. Map OF Oxmantown Green, as allotted, 

1665 . . . . • . 44 
{From Rental Maps in King's Hospital.) 

V. Original Blue Coat School, as completed, 

1675 .. .. ..70 

{From Old Engraving in King's Hospital.) 

VI. Charles Lucas, M.D. . . , . . . 199 

{Photograph of Statue by Edward Smyth in the 
City Hall, Dublin.) 

VII. Front Facade of present King's Hospital, as 

designed by Thomas Ivory . . . , 208 

{From Original Plans in British Museum.) 

VIII. Very Rev. Walter Blake Kirwan, Dean of 

Killala . . . , . . 222 

{From Engraving by Dr. Ward from Painting 
by Hugh Hamilton.) 

This was painted in 1806, after Kirwan's death, and 
dedicated in his honour to Lord Hardwick. It ideahzes 
a famous scene when Kirwan, after an outburst, broke 
down, unable to proceed. Turning towards the orphans 
below the pulpit, he pointed to them, in the rapt silence, 
with outstretched hands — the effect was electrical. 

IX. King Charles II. . . . . . . 293 

{From Engraving by Vertue of Original Portrait, 
by Sir Peter Lely.) 



Kings Hospital of King Charles II 




The foundation of the King's Hospital was one of the 
earUest symbols of the new era of hope and energy, which, 
notwithstanding the prevalent misery, awoke on the 
restoration of the Monarchy in 1660, and was destined to 
transform the mediaeval City on the Hill into the modern 
capital of Ireland. It is thus a significant page in the 
history of Dublin. For it is safe to say, that the face of 
the city changed more in the thirty years which followed, 
than in the three hundred that preceded. To conceive this, 
needs to have a mental vision of the city at the time of 
the Restoration, its physical, social, and political conditions. 
To aid such a conception is the motive of these preliminary 

If a citizen of to-day, standing on the central spot of 
our main thoroughfare, the middle of Carlisle or O'Connall 
Bridge, could see in vision the prospect eastward as his 
ancestor saw it in 1660, he could no longer believe he was 
in his native city. The ancestor could only have viewed 
from that point if perched on the rigging of an up-river 


craft, for then the Old Bridge alone crossed the Liffey, 
joining the Church Street and the Bridge Street on the site 
of the primaeval Ford of Athcliath. Our visionary might 
rub his eyes and dream he was looking seaward from a 
railway carriage crossing the salt lake at Malahide, at dunes 
and sandbanks, the glory of golfers, and level reaches, 
brown and gray at the ebb, but regained by ocean at high 
tide ; through these the river wound her channel deviously 
to the bar and the bay. No quay or sea rampart bound 
the jagged coasts of the estuary diverging north and south 
to Clontarf and to Merrion. The north shore trended 
obliquely behind where the O'Connell statue stands to the 
further end of Abbey Street, and thus to the causeway, 
still known as the North Strand, to mark by its name the 
old sea-line as it passed to Ballybough and the estuary of 
the Tolka. The tides twice daily overflowed the sites of 
Eden Quay and the Custom House, the Amiens Street 
station and ail east of it, and the miles of harbour causeway, 
now known as the North Wall. Landward of tliis coast 
were slob grounds slashed with briny pools, behind which 
rolled green houseless iields upward into the country at 
Finglas and Artane. So, too, the south-east coast was an 
unbanked beach. Close to the right of our view-point 
was a creek covering the sites of Westmoreland, D'Olier 
and College Streets, and the Theatre Royal. This was the 
estuary of the riveret Steyne, the mill stream of the old 
priors of All Hallows, precursors of Trinity College. College 
Green, so late as 1657, is said to adjoin the seaside. This 
stream flowed into it opposite the College gates. The 
space is still traceable underground. ^ More than thirty 
years ago the writer had part in a bitter battle about the 
erection of the Provincial Bank in College Street. The 
contract assumed the foundations would be on ordinary 
terra firma, but the diggers went down down through 
nineteen feet of sludge, till the cost of the foundations nearly 
equalled the superstructure, and the fight of bank and 
builder raged through many Courts for the benefit of the 

* Gilbert's Calendar of Dublin Corporation Records, iv. 121. 


law. Charles Haliday tells of a poor servant maid drowned 
some sixty years ago, when a high tide broke into a basement 
at foot of Grafton Street. From this creek the coast went 
eastward under the causeway of Lazars or Lazie Hill in the 
line of Townsend Street, between which and the University 
precincts lay cattle-sprinkled pastures. Lazie Hill was 
so called from a very ancient hospice at the far and isolated 
end, projected for lepers under vow to embark for the 
shrine of St. James of Compostello. Near the present 
S. Mark's Church, the coast swerved to the right by the 
back of where Merrion Square stands, as famous then for 
snipe as now for ladies, under the upland of Holies and Lower 
Mount Street, by the site of Sir Patrick Dun's Hospital 
to the Beggar's Bush and the Dodder ; here it met a ridge 
of land running back to the bay in a spit, shaped like a hockey 
staff, the twist of which was the Ringsend. This was 
corruptly spelled even in 1660, for it means the end, not of 
the " Ring," but of the " Rinn or point." Thus between 
S. Marks and Ringsend a great gulf was fixed, flooding all 
the first mile of the now Wicklow railway, the Lansdowne 
football ground, the gas works and canal harbour. Here 
a collier was wrecked on the site of Dun's hospital two 
hundred years ago. Into this gulf rushed the rapid Dodder, 
" the brook of Refarnham," without respect of persons in 
time of floods, for in 1629 it drowned the hope of one of the 
first families of the city, son of Sir William Usher, who was 
clerk of the Privy Council and kinsman of the great Primate. 
The lad was crossing the ford, where Ballsbridge crosses 
now, on his way to town from the port at Ringsend, whence 
a car fared to Lazie Hill, carrying passengers at fourpence 
each, and passing over the sands at low water. Young 
Usher's fate forced the building of a stone bridge, on Sidney 
Smith's principle that the sacrifice of a bishop in a railway 
smash alone would force directors to take requisite pre- 
caution. In the very year our Hospital was completed, 
1674, our founders, the Corporation, projected the forming 
in this Dodder gulf the great harbour of Dublin, and imported 
a famed engineer from London, Andrew Yarranton, whose 


plans, comprising a royal fort on the site of Merrion Square, 
are still extant. Behind the Ringsend spit spread the 
dunes of the south Bull, stretching in flats to Merrion and 
Booterstown, sweeping over the low-lands of Sydney Parade 
and to the coniines of Old Dunleary — Fort of Leoghaire 
Arch-King of Erin, when Patrick our first saint came — to be 
changed to Kingstown, when George, first gentlemati 
in England, came to visit us in 1821. Through these 
eastern sands the river channels wound, forming four pools — 
Clontarf Pool and Salmon Pool, north and south of a flounder- 
shaped sandbank, and further east between the roaring 
North and South Bulls, the Poolbeg or Little Pool, 
and the Iron Pool, where the estuary merged in the 
ocean. - 

But we are not to think of this eastern Dublin as of a 
dismal swamp, Dantean Cocytus of slush and sands. Dublin 
has always had a faculty of being jolly under creditable 
circumstances, and it is a question whether this scene had 
not in the Stuart times an animated variety, which for all 
its increase it lacks to-day. At Ringsend the larger vessels 
lay stranded at ebb, till lifted by the tide ; they transhipped 
their cargoes into gabbards and barges which sailed up 
the Estuary to the Wood and Merchant's Quays, which stood 
as now, to unload at the old Custom House, which then 
was at the foot of the present Parliament Street. Even 
sea-going vessels to a draught of six feet could go up on 
high, spring tides. Maps 3 of the age show the pools at 
Ringsend crowded with three masted ships, and perhaps 
there were more of these direct from foreign parts than now, 
when Dublin imports come chiefly in cross-channel steamers. 
The wide space on Wood Quay still attests where the 
wine barrels were trundled straight from Bordeaux and 
the Tagus to the foot of the old Vicus Tabernorum, Wine- 
Tavern Street. Viceroys in the eighteenth century landed 
and left in state at Ringsend. In 1649 iron Oliver in 

2 Capt. Grenville Collins' Map, 1686 ; Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom 
of Dublin, p. 233. 

■■' Yarr ant ton's Map, 1674; Gill Cal., Vol. V.; Rocque's Map, 1776, 
Scan. Dub., 113 


person disembarked with his 13,000 Ironsides for the terrible 
campaign, the echoes of which still roll at times through 
the imperial parliament. In 1657, when his son, Henry, 
was Lord Deputy, the good frigate of war, Lambay Castle, 
was launched so far up river as Lazie Hill. There was a 
thriving herring fishery at Ringsend, salmon were netted 
in the Salmon Pool, and in the Clontarf Pool was a famous 
oyster bed, which survived till sanitation and sewer gas 
poisoned it to death. The Lord Mayor and Recorder had 
large admiralty jurisdiction under royal charters, and their 
chronic conflicts with the royal Admiralty at Ringsend, 
where the jurisdictions joined, gave a lively interest even 
to Coroner's inquests. 

And in 1660 these sands were still wTitten with great 
memories, for they were then nearly as on that Good Friday, 
1014, when King Sitric Silkenbeard and his Queen, the 
daughter of the Great Brian, watched from the city battle- 
ments the fearful drawn battle, surging from Mary's Abbey 
to Clontarf, watching all day in tremulous tension like 
the chorus from the towers of Thebes, when the Seven 
Champions were storming the walls, he to see his Ostmen 
allies driven to their ships or into the sea, she to learn at 
night of the three generations of her kinsmen in the battle 
slain, the grand old Boroimhe himself, his hero son, Murrough, 
his grandson boy Turlough transfixed and drowned in the 
Tolka weir at Clonliffe. There on the south bank still 
stood in 1660, the Pillar Stone of the Steyne by the creek, 
marked by Sir Philip Crampton's swan fountain now, just 
as it had been erected eight hundred years before by the 
invading Vikings, the symbol of their conquest, and the 
signal for their fleets, where they would land and draw 
up their war canoes on the beach, like the Argives at 
Ilium. The Steyne gave its name to all the confines between 
the sea-shore and road to Baggot's rath, now the Baggot 
Streets ; in the centre lay Trinity College, the old All Saints 
Juxta Dublin ; its Nassau Street boundary was then the 
depressed causeway of S. Patrick's Well Lane. The pillar 
of the Steyne was the story of three hundred Scandinavian 


years written in stone, it still lives only in the parchments 
of some of our old city leases. 

Westward of our point of vision, was more to identify the 
Dublin of 1660 with that of 1906. Both coasts, indeed, 
were still pebbly and embanked, and behind the northern slobs 
were green meadows to the line of Capel Street where S. 
Mary's Abbey rose. This shore is still commemorated 
by the Strand Street of to-day, though now severed from 
the water by the houses and embankment of Ormond Quay, 
but the shores were now converging towards river shape, 
and beyond the Abbey rose the tower of S. Michan's Church 
as now, and opposite to it the tower of Christchurch on the 
hill of the High Street ; and behind these the sunset sky, 
seen sometimes then as sometimes now, a sky-scape of glory, 
more pathetic for the luminous city vapours, and which is 
not to be surpassed in Ireland and therefore in the world. 
The south shore coursed along Fleet Street, then known as 
the Strete of the Strand, but close by the old Custom^ House* 
where Dollard's paper factory stands now, it turned into a 
creek piercing up to the Lower Castle Yard, forming the 
estuary of the Poddle, which flow^ed in through the low 
ground below the Castle Creek, most noteworthy in this, 
that this was of old, the Blackpool or Dhubv Lynn, from 
which our beloved city is named. At its land end was an 
ancient mill-pond and dam, which gave name to the 
gate, chief portal of the city proper close by, and to Damas, 
now Dame .Street, which ran through little more than a 
narrow lane to the corner of Trinity Street, where was the 
extreme portal the Blind Gate, opening to Hoggen Green^ 
which adjacent to the aew university had alread\' begun 
to be called College Green. No relic of this pristine Dhubvlin 
now lingers visibly, save the sluice gate of the Poddle, under 
the wall of Wellington Quay, familiar only to the seagulls 
hovering immemorially from the cliffs of Howth and Lambay 
to dance their airy minuets round the entrance, aiding the 
tides in their daily task of ablution, and our sanitary 
authority pending the long promised main drainage. 

To the left of our stand point, the sight was pleasant, 


where the shore ran along the Fleet or Strand Street, with 
the bright gardens and villas of a few magnates behind with 
watergates to the river, their front gates in Hoggen Green 
and Damas Street, The eastern end, now the site of the 
Bank of Ireland, had been granted sixty years before to 
Sir George Carey, to whom Falkland was kin, on the terms 
of his building a bridewell and Free School. These proved 
abortive, and Sir Arthur Chichester, first Lord Belfast, was 
granted the site in fee farm for six and eight pence a year^ 
Sir Arthur telling the city that he might have it as well as 
any one else ; he too was under terms to complete the 
abortive bridewell into a school, but instead Chichester 
House was built — " just opposite the College " — This was 
one of our chief mansions at the Restoration, and here sat the 
Court of Claims and other public functionaries. Near it 
was the villa of Sir ^Arthur Annesley, representative of 
Dublin in Richard Cromwell's Parliament of 1659. In the 
city gift it is said to be adjoining the seaside. Annesley 
was created Earl of Anglesea, and his gardens are 
commemorated in Anglesea Street. Further west was the 
mansion of the Lord Chancellor Eustace, given him by the 
King on the restoration, and still marked by the street of 
his name, and beyond this, reaching to the Black Pool and 
Damas Gate, lay the home of Sir John Temple, Master of 
the Rolls, father of Swift's Sir William, and ancestor of 
Lord Palmerston ; this fronted to Damas Street and its 
memory is preserved in Temple Bar. 

On the further side of these villas spread the Hoggen 
Green, between the city walls and the University, and back 
to the south as far as old Stephen Street, and the waste 
common of St. Stephen's Green. It was pierced on the city 
side by S. George's Lane, now South Great George's Street. 
Though sprinkled with some homesteads, it was still the 
chief pleasance of the to\\'n. On the left it merged in the 
Mynchen Fields that covered the space of Dawson and 
Kildare Streets to the marshes of Merrion Square, the old 
lands of the Mynechen's Mantle, or S. Mary del Hoggen, 
founded for elderly nuns by Dermot MacMurrough, before 


the Anglo-Norman Invasion. Where St. Andrew's Church 
now stands was the Bowhng Alley, a primaeval recreation 
ground, where the archers shot in Plantagenet times, and 
behind this another place of sport, called Tib and Tom, 
where merry makings of the city youth were held before the 
Restoration and after. But right in front of the Bowling 
Alley facing Chichester House rose the most striking 
historic Memorial in the city bounds. — The Danish 
Mount. Under the enlightened regime of Strafford, 
the City Assembly passed an Ordinance " that no 
parcel of the Greenes or Commons of the City, Hoggen 
Green, S. Stephen Green, and Oxmantown Green shall 
henceforth be lett, but wholly kept for the use of the 
citizens to walk and take the air, by reason this citie is at 
this present very populous," and the Mayor was forbidden 
even to read any petition to the contrary, under the then 
dread penalty of £40. Such a law was of course doomed to 
mutability, even Lord Meath could not have preserved such 
a policy of open spaces, which the march of time was sure 
to trample down, but it is a sore pity that it could not 
preserve one of our most ancient landmarks, which any city 
in the world might be jealous to uphold. This was the Thin- 
mote or Thing-mount, which gave name to the Green, the 
Ostman Hogge or hill, which still in 1660 rose seventy feet 
over the river level. 

Here the townspeople gathered in the summer evenings, 
for the prospect was splendid over land and city and sea. 
The Ordinance was passed when the city was prosperous, 
but the necessities of the Restoration times compelled 
sales of the city lands. In 1661 the Corporation therefore 
leased the Hill site to the Bishop of Meath, Dr. Jones, 
who was then contemplating the erection of St. Andrew's 
Church, as the old parish Church at the Damas Gate was 
ruinous, and who had also bought the Bowling Green for 
that purpose, but in the lease of the Hill was a reservation 
to the city of a passage from the top to the bottom of the 
'Mount — " for their common prospect," and a covenant that 
no building or other thing should be erected for 


obstructing of said prospect. But in 1685, alas ! the whole 
was removed by the most flagrant act of Vandalism of that 
improving age. A fine view might be had elsewhere, but 
not the Thingmount, thronged with reminiscences that should 
never have been effaced. 

For this was the Hill of Council of our Norse makers of 
Dublin, their centre of legislature and judicature, of public 
meeting and moot, their House Things or Hustings, their 
place of games and of doom. Sanctified, too, by religious 
awe, for the Vikings, pro more raised these " Things " in 
correlation to their Landing Steynes, erecting near them 
stone circle temples to Thor and Freya, and we may well 
think that the Churches of St. Andrew's and St. Mary, both 
on Hoggen Green in Plantagenet times, and known as St. 
Andrew Thingmote, and St. Mary del Hogge, replaced these 
temples here when the North men turned Christian. For 
the rule of the missionaries, as counselled by Gregory the 
Great, was not to destroy pagan temples, but to transform 
them, conciliating their converts by following old forms, 
and replacing stone circles by rounded Campaniles ; and 
it is scarcely a coincidence that this new St. Andrew's Church 
was circular in form, and was known as the Round Church, 
till burned in Queen Victoria's time. The Mount was the 
scene of a very high comedy in the Strongbow Conquest- 
His lieutenant Milo de Cogan, about to join battle with 
Hasculf Mac Torkill, our Ostman King, just relanded at the 
vSteyne with Scandinavian reinforcements, to expel the 
invaders, feared an attack in the rere from the O'Byrne's 
clansmen of the Wicklow and Dublin hills. So he made 
treaty with Gylemeholmoc, then chief, and lord of Glencree 
and Kilruddery, by which the O' Byrne and his clan were 
to look on at the battle, and " if God grant us (Norman) to 
defeat these folk (Ostmen), you are to help us to follow them, 
but if we prove recreant, you are to join them to slay and 
torture us." On this pledge Gylemeholmoc " gaily went 
out, and now is this King truly seated with his people upon 
the Hoggen over Steyne outside the city in the plain to 
behold the melee." Here he sat on the top of the Thingmote, 


impartial as a Nationalist leader at a Ministerial crisis, 
waiting events, whether he will join Tory or Radical in the 
lobbies. And next year when Henry II. came in person to 
win the lordship of Ireland, the wily Plantagenet knowing 
the Thingmote was the scene of election of the Ostman 
Kings, and its religious sanctity, chose it rather than the 
the fortress at the Castle, where to meet the Irish Chiefs, 
and obtain their homage. Here " he caused a royal palace 
to be constructed wonderfully by wythes after the manner 
of the Country, close by the Church of St. Andrew the 
Apostle outside the city," feasted there the Chieftains, 
entertained them with military sepctacles and games on 
the Green, and dismissed them with presents, having held 
with them the solemn festival of Christmas, 1172.4 At the 
Thingmote in later Plantagenet years, was erected under 
statutes of the Pale,.^ butts for Archery, wheie all men 
between sixty and sixteen would muster and shoot up and 
down three times every feast day in summer, which at the 
Restoration had become the Dublin Bowling Green. 
The Thingmote was " the fortified hill near the College," 
the scene of a fierce meeting of Cromwell's soldiers in 1647, 
which the mutineers seized as a place of vantage, and held it 
until at midnight they were received to mercy. 

The removal of the Thingmount and the Pillar of the 
Steyne was of a landmark, that had connected Dublin 
with all the misty romance of the Northmen, with the 
Tingshogen of Sweden, the Pillar Stones of the Shetlands 
and Orkney, with Staines and Runnymede, and with La 
Hogue in Normandy, and thus they tied us to the times 
when the Ivars, Godfreys, Sitrics, Olafs were kings at once 
both in Dublin and Northumbria, Lords of the Isles whose 
war cries were heard often — 

Breaking the silence of the seas, 
Amongst the farthest Hebrides : 

in the times when King Olaf sailed from Athcliath to contest 
the crown of England with Athelstane at Brunnanburgh, 

■* Hoveden, cited in Haliday's Scand. Duh., 183. 
^ 5 Edw. 4. 


when contingents from the Liffey joined Rollo up the Seine, 
when he went to win the Duchy of Normandy, and to breed 
the iron race of Wilham the Conqueror. The Ostmen who 
raised this Thingmount we call Goths, but surely they were 
Vandals who displaced it, and it is sad to record that a 
distinguished Recorder was the chief Vandal. Sir William 
Davys' house was opposite the College, where the Provost's 
house is now, in restoration times, then he took up the 
Bishop of Meath's lease of the Thingmount, and had a grant 
of the mount free of the conservative covenants ; he became 
Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and to enlarge his garden 
carted away our Mons Sacer to make the embankment on 
S. Patrick's Well Lane to be named Nassau Street, after 
King William came.*^ 

But the life of the town was in the little walled city on 
the hill, and the few streets raying out thence in starfish 
wise ; little, but packed with varied vitality, quaint mediaeval 
and signally picturesque, its area occupied forty-five acres 
only. The ancient wall was just a statute mile in its devious 
girth, pierced by eight towered gates, loop-holed and port- 
cullised, between which rose sixteen other pinnacled turrets 
bristling along or in front of the curtain. Three of the Gates 
were in the eastern Wall : the Damas Gate, leading up to 
the Castle ; the Pole Gate, adjoining S. Werburgh's Church, 
giving access from Bride Street by a bridge over the Poddle. 
It was through this Milo de Cogan made his decisive charge 
which broke the Ostmen and secured the English invasion. 
S. Nicholas Gate, with double towers, one hundred and fifty 
yards further west, had also a bridge over the Poddle with 
access to S. Patrick's Street, and S. Nicholas' Church close 
by within the walls. Between Damas and the Pole gates 
was the Bermingham Tower, alas, alone and but partially 
surviving, and Stanihurst's Tower, seventy yards beyond the 
Castle wall. Between the Pole Gate and S. Nicholas, was 
Genevel's Tower round, three stories high, with timber lofts 

'' The exact site of the Thingmount is fixed by a comparison of the 
leases made by the city, which are specified in the 4th and 5th volume 
of Gilbert's Citv Calendars Messrs. Walpole's warehouses occupy it now. 


above. The three ports in the south wall were the New Gate, 
at the end of Cornmarket, from which the great city prison 
was called; beyond which S. Thomas Street ran out into the 
country, Gormond's Gate at the west end of Cooke Street, 
and the Bridge Gate close near, south of the Old Bridge of 
Dublin. Between S. Nicholas and the New Gate were three 
towers — Sarsfield's, Segrave's, and Pagan's. Fitzsimon's 
tower, between New Gate and Gormond's, and Harbard's 
tower, between Gormond's and the Bridge. On the northern 
wall behind the Merchant's and Wood Qua3^s, w^ere the 
Wine Tavern Gate and S. Audeon's Gate, added to the 
more ancient defences about the time of Bannockburn, 
when the city, alarmed by the invasion of Edward Bruce, 
and not content with the river protection, built them out 
of the stones of the Dominican Abbey, the site of the present 
Four Courts, burnt to the ground some years before. Along 
these two quays, and between wall and river, were Prichett's 
tower, Fyan's Castle at the end of Fishamble Street, then 
Casey's, Isoult's, and Buttevant's towers in succession, 
the last where the south end of Essex Bridge is now, with 
Bysses' tower, completing the circuit, between this and the 
Damas Gate. 

The graphic aspect of the walls was enhanced by the 
architectural diversities : neither gates nor towers were of 
like pattern ; some were square, some round, some demi- 
round ; some were three storied, some two ; some were 
nearly level with the ramparts ; some had five loop-holes, 
some three, some two ; some had wooden attics, rising over 
the storied walls ; some were only seventy yards distant 
from the neighbouring tower, the intervals varied, but 
one hundred and fifty yards was the maximum. The 
Castle Gate and New Gate were occasionally decorated with 
the heads of eminent rebels. And the names of the many 
towers were various as their styles. It was a very old 
custom for the city to lease them to eminent citizens or 
guilds, by whose names they were called from time to time, 
just as government sometimes have dealt with the Martello 
towers, the lessees being bound to preserve or surrender 


them if needed for defence. Thus Stanihurst was leased 
to the old recorder, father of Richard, who wrote the Irish 
section for Holinshed's chronicles ; Buttevant was known 
as Newman's in the Stuart period, from Jacob Newman, 
the father of Sir James Ware's wife. Fyan's Castle became 
Proudfoot's after the Restoration. Bysse's was leased in 
Strafford's time to the father of Sir John Bysse, Chief Baron 
at the Restoration, to whom the city renewed in respect of 
his eminent services as recorder, adding the tower over 
Damas Gate, all for ninety-nine yeais, at six and eight- 
pence yearly. Then Gormond's Gate, legendarily referred 
to Gormo the Ostman, was corrupted into " Ormond's " 
in the great Duke's day, and then, again to Wormwood 
Gate, the name which still abides to mark the site of our 
vanished bulwark." 

But the name which charms most is Isoult's Towers, 
Stanihurst says it took the name from " La Belle Isoult, 
daughter to Angus, King of Ireland." How came this Irish 
beauty into the Arthurian legend ? There was an Angus, 
King of Munster, about the time of Patrick, and the shadowy 
Arthur's, and the best opinion now bases the Table Round on 
the traditions of the Celtic bards, Welsh, Irish, or of 
North Britain, indubitably then connected with Armorica 
and Brittany, where the romance expanded under the harps 
and the lutes of the troubadours of France. Scarlet Lane 
threaded up west of the present Parliament Street from 
Isoult's Tower to the Castle. Outside the Walls were at 
least six other gates at furthest end of the radiating streets. 
S. James' still marked by the name of the great brewery, 
S. Thomas guarding the precincts of S. Thomas and Donore, 
S. Patrick's close by the great Cathedral, S. Kevin's near hand, 
guarding the Archbishop's Palace of S. Sepulchre. The 
Hogs, closing the entrance to the White Friars by S. Stephen's 
Street, and the Blind Gate at the further end of Damas 
Street leading into the Hoggen or College Green. 

"^ When the above was written, the writer had not seen Mr. Leonard 
Strangways admirable map of the old walls, prefixed to C. Litton Falkiner's 
Illustrations of Irish History. Our nomenclatures do not all coincide, for 
many gates and towers were differently known at different periods. 


The main artery of old Dublin pierced the walled city 
from Damas to New Gate, through dense congestion. 
Passing the Castle to the top of the Fish Shambles Street, 
it contracted into the streetlet, Skinner's Row, running in 
the present line of Christ Cliurch Place to the High Street, 
narrow as the Ghetto of a Continental town, only seventeen 
feet from house to house, which, with basement, cellars below 
and projections above, gave only twelve feet for the 
carriages, which could scarcely pass each other. Yet this was 
the very heart of Mid-Dublin, for on the right between it 
and the Cathedral were the Four Courts, for which James I. 
took lease of the old house of the Priors of Holy Trinity and 
Deans of Christ Church, whilst on the left corner next High 
Street was our Guildhall or City Tholsel, where the Mayors 
were chosen, and the Corporation met, where the Recorder's 
Court held unlimited jurisdiction — Civil and Criminal — 
within the City, often, too, used by the King's Courts and 
at times by the Parliament. Here, too, was the home of the 
Publishers ; their trade fared ill in the Civil Wars, but after 
the Restoration they swarmed, so that the narrow streets 
were busy like Paternoster Row and Ava Maria Lanes, and 
there were far more Publishers within the limits of the old 
walls than in all broad Dublin to-day. 

In the open between Skinner's Row and High Street, 
where Nicholas Street intersects, was " the chief and 
ancientest monument of this city " ; repaired as such some 
forty years before, for our memorials were held in honour 
of old. This was the High Cross, the very core of the city, 
where the public proclamations were read and the public 
penitents would stand, clothed in white sheets, white wands 
in their hands, white paper caps on their heads inscribed 
with their sins. The atonement of Constance Kynge and 
her paramour here in Elizabeth's time reads dour and quaint 
as a chapter of Hawthorne's Scarlet Letter. One of the latest 
ordeals here was that of Eliza Jones, her forehead inscribed : 
" For harbouring a Collegian," contrary to an Act of State 
of Strafford forbidding any Fellow, student, or scholar, to 
enter an Ale-house without permission under the Provost's 


hands. How many such hcences the Provost issued we are 
not informed. 

The area round the High Cross was the centra] market. 
The Cross had steps about it like Nelson's Pillar, and a vivid 
scene was here. So as "not to pester the market," the flour 
sellers were to stand on those steps, the butter sellers with 
firkins in front must stand out in the street in lines of six 
each to allow passage between the intervals ; the bacon- 
sellers in like lines on stools in front of them ; the bakers 
were to stand along the wall of S. Michael's, whilst larger 
wares were relegated outside the walls. At the Castle Street 
end of the strait Skinner's Row was the great lantern-shaped 

Thus this centre was like the Forum at Rome, the focus of 
intellectual, commercial and civic life. 

It was the centre of other things, notably strong drink, 
wherein Dublin has ever held high place. '^ Here was " Hell " 
in a sunk passage between tlie Four Courts and Cathedral, 
far below the aisles, further from God by reason of the 
propinquity. Some thought it was so called in compliment 
to the law, but it certainly reeked of the drink-demon. 
Famous or infamous, it caught the fancy of Burns to im- 
mortalize it in his satire on the Doctors, Death and Dr. 
Hornbook, saying his tale " is just as true 's the Deils in Hell 
or Dublin City." The place was soaked with cellar taverns 
in the basements of the Cathedral, with whose rulers rested 
the original blame. In early Tudor times they leased them for 
wine taverns, and a century after there were seven of these 
paying rent to the Chapter. The Dragon, Red Lion, Red 
Stag, Star, Ship, Half Moon, and Hell. These things vexed 
the great soul of Strafford, who did his own " thorough " 
best to suppress them ; his denunciatory letter to Archbishop 
Laud is like the scourge of small cords that purified the 
Temple. But even Strafford's strength could not prevail 
against the gates of hell. In the days of the Restoration 
there were 1,180 public houses and 91 public breweries in 
the little city, and in a Celtic letter from an Irish priest in 

* Gilbert's History of Dublin, i., t,^. 


Rome, in 1667, it is called the city of the Wine Flasks. 
Wine was the old staple, it is fluent even in the Charters of 
King John, and for the Scottish War of his son, Henry III., 
fifty-four hogsheads of red wine were actually exported 
from Dublin to his army. In Mary Tudor 's reign, Patrick 
Sarsfield, ancestor of the hero of Limerick, most hospitable 
Mayor of Dublin, spent twenty tuns of claret in his year, 
1554, over and above white wine, sack, malvoisie and 
muscatel. In the next reign, Blount, Lord Mountjoy, sold 
the wines of France and Spain by pints and quarts in his 
own cellars. The very drovers would not return from the 
fairs till they had drunk the price of cow or horse in the 
" King of Spain's daughter," as sherry was called. She 
was also known as Usquebaugh, for the time of whiskey was 
not yet fully come. But that of ale was with a vengeance. 
Tempore James I. we read " it had sale every day in the 
week, every hour in the day, and every minute in the hour, 
for every woman is free to brew, and as many householders 
in Dublin so many brewers. The better sort are the alder- 
men's wives, and their husbands wink at it." This was pro- 
bably because they thus earned their own pinmoney. Barnaby 
Rych, who writes this, concludes that the whole profit of the 
town rests on ale houses. If alive to-day he could say little 
else. At the Restoration the drink river ran in rival currents 
like the Rhone and Arve. < When the Duke of Ormonde entered 
as Lord Lieutenant in 1665, a conduit was set up in the 
Corn Market, from which wine flowed free for the citizens 
at large. 

If churches could have checked it there were plenty of 
these, for this was church centre too. Five clustering round 
the Mother Cathedral : — S. John's, separated by a lanelet only, 
on the river side ; St. Michael's close by at the corner of High 
Street on the site of our Synod Hall ; S. Audeon's, or Owen's, 
further down the street. On the opposite of the main artery 
S. Werburgh's as now, but near and within the Pole Gate ; and 
S. Nicholas, similarly within the gate of that name, all 
parishes at the Restoration as they had been for ages. The 
Cathedral, S. Michael's, S. Nicholas', founded by theOstmen, 


S. Audeon's by the Strongbow conquerors, for the paladins 
De Courcy and Armoric de S. Lawrence had taken their 
oaths of chivalry at S. Ouen in Rouen, where the bones of 
Coeur de Lion not long after lay, and so S. Ouen's was founded 
here to connect Dublin ever after with one of the fairest 
Gothic Churches in Christendom. 

Outside the Damas Gate was old S. Andrew's ; S. Bride's 
outside the Pole Gate, with S. Patrick's Cathedral at the 
foot of the long street ; S. Peter's and S. Stephen's not far 
eastward ; S. Catherine's in James' Street. Thus the old city 
had some claim to be Capital of the Island of Saints. 

And the little city was merry with music. For a 
century before the Restoration the city maintained a band, 
not merely official trumpeters and drummers, but " a 
full concert of good musicians," clothed in light blue livery 
of broad cloth, which was voted them yearly with ninepence 
quarterly each by rents of the twenty-four aldermen, six- 
pence from each of the forty-eight of the Upper and four- 
pence from each of the Lower houses of the Council. For 
this they must work hard, every Sunday, Tuesday and 
Thursday in the year, and at all civic functions beside. 
But then they had a monopoly, being authorised to arrest 
all stranger musicianers. The band sank low in the Civil War, 
but the city music reappeared at the Restoration on the 
entry of the Duke of Ormonde. A restoration of the custom 
might settle something now such as the nuisance of the 
Greman bands and the organs. 

Nearly everyone lived in town from the Viceroy down 
until the renaissance of the Restoration. How they were 
packed is hard to say, unless they slung hammocks in the bed- 
rooms, like berths in steamers. So through the narrow ways, 
ports and passages, sauntered or pressed the motley crowds, 
perriwigged courtiers, ermined judges, civic magnates, 
fur robed in scarlet and violet, gowned churchmen, wigged 
lawyers, doctors alert or grave, hurrying merchants 
obstructed anon by the " idle women and maydens," the 
apple women and orange girls wherever they could plant a 
stool, and who survived to our day round the College Gate 



and Carlisle Bridge. And with these the " idle boys without 
any lawful calling," precursors of the corner boys who are 
still with us. For all these casuals a law was made only the 
year before the Restoration, unfortunately obsolete now, 
by which beadledom was to arrest and set them in a cage 
in the Cornmarket built at the city charge, for as yet we had 
no Zoological Gardens, where the happy family would well 
repay a visit. Soldiers' uniforms brightened the scene, for 
there were two city regiments, of which the Mayor and one 
of the Sheriffs were respective colonels ; Kiliarch's both, 
for there were a thousand men in each, and soon came 
Ormonde's Royal Guards. And all were in perpetual peril 
of the carmen furiously driving through streets and unpaved 
strands. In the previous reign " their speediness " was 
repressed by law, but at the Restoration they were badged 
and reduced, first to thirty, then fifty, of whom the 
majority were to hazard outside the Walls, only a few being 
admitted to stand within the city. But this asphyxia could 
not hold out in the face of modern ideas. The open spaces 
laws were repealed spite of the shrieks of the vested 
interests within the city, where the house rents were 
enhanced by the want of room. Already the tide had set 
suburbwards, then it came with a rush. One by one the 
old gates vanished like cloud castles in the air. Verily the 
thoroughfares that have replaced them, now chiefly slums, 
are but sorry equivalents. Mediaeval Dublin died with the 
dismantling of her towers. 

r 10 ] 



The Blue Coat School still bears this name which once 
comprised the whole of Dublin north of the Liffey. 

Place names are the hieroglyphics of history. Osmantown, 
the villa Ostmanorum, is the sole word-record here of the 
race that founded Dublin and ruled it three hundred years 
with an influence upon our history more potent than is often 
recognized. For the maritime Ostmen having made Dublin 
their chief place, the maritime English, by its capture, were 
able to make it the fulcrum of their power. It was the genius 
of the Norse colonies to merge with the natives when thev 
were allowed to do so, as they did in Normandy, in 
England, and in Italy, but which the Irish were slow to 
allow, though the merging was beginning when the English 
came ; but coalescing with the vanquished, the victors made 
Dublin their capital, and seat of their empire through all 
the ages since. 

The victors did not purport to conquer Ireland. Henry II. 
was content with the homage of the Irish Chiefs, whom he 
banqueted on College, then Hoggen, Green, under the 
Ostman Thingmount ; he even confirmed O'Connor as 
Arch King of Ireland. Leinster, indeed, he left to Strong- 
bow, not as conquered, but by right of his wife, Eva, the 
daughter of MacMorrough, the Leinster King, but the 
Ostman dominion he appropriated, probably to the joy of 
their Irish enemies. This reached over the lowlands of 
Wicklow and Dublin, from Arklow south to Skerries and 
Gormanston north, and east to west from Howth to Leixlip, 
all Ostman names, amongst, perhaps, not fift}^ which 
still abide in Ireland. Their realm is still marked by the See 
of Dublin, whose limits are the same ever since Gregory, the 
Ostman, became Archbishop of Dublin in 1152 ; it was also 
marked for ages by the admiralty jurisdiction of the ]\Iayor 
and Recorder along the coast-line from Wicklow to ]\Ieath. 
The Liffey plain to the Meath borders was Fingal, the fi^ie 
or district of the stranger, or perhaps, simply the finn, or 


white stranger, many of the people of which still in their 
light hair and impassive mien bear the traces of their 
Ostman lineage. It was largely owned by the Thorkills, of 
the family of the King Hasciilph Mac Thorkill, whom 
Strongbow conquered— Thor Gille, Votary of the God of 
Thunder. The city and its suburbs by the sea from Black- 
rock to Clontarf, Henry gave to his men of Bristol, and 
afterwards to his citizens of Dublin, as defined by the charter 
of Prince John, his son, in 1192, and as perambulated for 
centuries by the Corporation triennially in festive cavalcade. 
The Ostmen were not driven from the city, but the walled 
fortress on the Castle Hill was held and colonized by the 
victors. As a community, the Ostmen were confined to 
the north bank of the Liffey, where they had long since 
formed a suburb round the church built by IMichan, their 
saint, in 1095, and S. Mary's Abbey founded by them pro- 
bably about the same time, and where, just outside the north 
boundary, they had granted lands to their foundation of the 
Holy Trinity, Christ Church. Here they were hemmed in ; 
for the victors not only confirmed S. Mary's and Christ 
Church and enhanced them, but they founded Kilmainham 
in the west, All Hallowes on the south-east bank, S. Thomas 
and Donore, and S. Sepulchre to the south of the city. Ruth 
for their rapine may have been their motive, but if there 
was religion there certainly was policy, for they thus girdled 
the Ostmen with a cordon of holy ground, bulwarks against 
Ostmen within and Irish without, who had both now come 
to regard these with more awe than fortress or stone walls. 
Thus the rule and the tongue of the Northmen went into 
oblivion within a generation, for they kept no chronicles, 
which the Irish surely did. 

They were not named Ostmen here merel}^ because their old 
home is east of Ireland. The Irish called them Galls, 
Strangers, Black Strangers, White Strangers, Danes. 
There were tribes in Livonia, whom the Greeks called 
Ostiones and the Latins Aestii, perhaps, because they lived 
by the Eastern Baltic, perhaps from the cradle of the Goths 
in farthest Orient. Ware's high authority attributes the 


name to these. At any rate the Norse were called Easter- 
lings in England from very olden time. 

So Ostmantown was founded. The name in its larger 
sense covers all the north bank from Kilmainham bridge to 
the sea within the chartered city bounds, for the Abbey in 
the centre is that of St. Mary of Osmanbury, or town of 
the Ostmans, and the city records apply the name to all the 
north-east space behind and around the Abbey and its 
meadows to the east where the Abbey streets now run, and 
the whole north bank was the single parish of St. Michan's, 
but we may generally confine the term to what lies between 
the Park and the line of Capel and Bolton Streets. At the 
restoration it had but one street from the old bridge known 
as St. Michan's or Ostmantown Street running north to the 
Broadstone, each side of this was chiefly waste, though 
dotted with homesteads and some villas of notables. After 
the Abbey was dissolved by Henry VIII., it passed to 
Matthew King, Clerk of the Cheques of the Armies of Ireland, 
in 1561, from whose family the lordship was bought by 
Garret, first Viscount Moore of Drogheda, and the abbot's 
house became the home of the Drogheda family. At the 
restoration, Henry, first Earl, built a new mansion near 
where St. Mary's Church now stands hard by the Abbey, 
and its Little Green, still marked by Little Green Street, 
and the Recorder's Court, brought thither in 1796, and thence 
eastward the Drogheda estate spread to form, under Henry, 
the third Earl, Henry Street, Moore Street, Drogheda Street 
(changed to Sackville Street, when Duke of Dorset was Lord 
Lieutenant), and Earl Street away to the north Strand. 
Archbishop Bramhall had a mansion in Oxmantown at the 
restoration, even before the Cromwellian magnates were 
building villas here— Sir Theophilus Jones, brother of the 
Bishop of Meath, Charles Coote, afterwards Lord Mountrath ; 
and Clotworthy, Lord Massareene, Cromwellians ennobled 
by Charles : and there were parks, enclosures, Phipoes Park, 
Ancaster Park, ancient spaces but only half built on. In 
the far west of the Ostman bounds was a triangular meadow 
in the valley of the Liffey, its apex near the Island Bridge 


of Kilmainham, with the river for its south side, the other 
trending north-east along the slopes of the plateau, where 
now rises the Wellington Column. Passing at the meadow 
corner the Fountain of La Belle Isoult, our shadowy heroine 
of Arthurian romance, fossilized in Chapelizod, the boundary 
mounted the highland and crossed an angle of the present 
Phoenix Park, into the ravine by the Military Hospital, 
called of old the Gybbett's Slade from an ancient gallows on 
Arbour Hill. Leaving this on the right it passed on through the 
orchards and barns of Grangegorman, of Christ Church, and 
thence north, and then east to the Tolka and the sea, whence 
it turned back along strand and river to the Church of Our 
Lady of Ostmaneby and the strete of Ostmantown, thus com- 
pletely circling the Abbey. These borders were a little 
fluctuous, for there were no maps ; they were preserved by 
the city magnates in triennial jolliiication for centuries 
known as " Ryding the Franchises." The Mayor and Re- 
corder took horse with the Aldermen and Sheriffs and the 
Swordbearer, and the Clerk armed with the Plantaganet 
Charter, by which with a bush here and a stone there they 
felt their way, halting now to take counsel and then for a 
banquet, but at times for a dispute with the powers of 
Kilmainham, or tlie Priors of Christ Church or S. Mary's. 
The western triangle was Ellen Hore's meadow, so, named 
in the " Rydings " of 1448 and 1603. Afterwards it was 
owned by Sir William Parsons, who succeeded Strafford, 
when sent to his doom, and who held many city acres through 
Alderman Lang, the father of his wife. In his hands it is 
said to be adjoining Ostmantown, and when, after the 
Restoration, the Park was in formation, the Lord Lieutenant 
Essex writes to the King, who was much interested in the 
scheme, that a part of the new lands proposed to be enclosed 
belongs to Sir Richard Parsons, the Lord Deputy's great 
grandson, and cannot be purchased during his minority. 
This minor became the first Baron Oxmantown and Viscount 
Rosse, and when on failure of the line of the old Deputy, the 
honours were renewed in that of his brother Lawrence, 
both titles were conferred, and the present Earl of Rosse in 


his second title pi Lord Oxmaiitown alone represents 
to-day the ancient Villa Osmanorum." 

The highest ground east oftheGybbett Slade over Arbour 
Hill is called in John's charter Knocknaganhoc^ the site of 
a tale by Richard Stanihurst in liis Irish contribution to 
Holinshed's Chronicle in 1577, and told with a humour 
too quaint to abbreviate : — " In the the further end of the 
Ostmantowne Greene is there a hole, commonl}^ called 
Scaldbrother's Hole, a labj^rinth reaching two large miles 
under the earth. This was in old tyme frequented by a 
notorious thief named Scaldbrother, wherein he would hide 
all the bag and baggage that he could pilfer. The varlet 
was so swift on foot, as he has eftsoon outrun the swiftest 
and lustiest young men in all Ostmantown maugre their heads 
bearing a pot or pan of their's on his shoulders to his den. 
And now and then in derision of such as pursued him, he 
would take his course under the gallows which standeth very 
nigh his cave, a fit sign for such an inne, and so being 
shrouded within his lodge he reckoned himself cocksure, 
none being found at that tyme so hardie as would venture 
to entangle himself in so intricate a maze. But as the 
pitcher that goeth often to the water cometh at length home 
broken, so this lustie youth would not surcease from open 
catching, forcible snatching, and privie prolling, till time he 
was by certain gaping groomes that lay in wait for him inter- 
cepted fleeing towards his couch, having on his apprehension 
no more wrong doone him than that he was not sooner 
hanged on that gallows, through which in his youth and 
joUitie he was wont to run." In a little book^'* published 
anonymously in 1845, it is said that even then when digging 

^ After some research I have been unalile to find any other trace 
of the Parsons in Oxmantown. I have tracked these boundaries on foot 
and by comparison of the Charter of Prince John, 1 192, the very quaint 
Ridings of the Franchises, 1488 and 1603, in Gilbert's Calendar, Vol. I., 
pp. 3, 190, 492, also the Inquisition of Richard II., and the modern 
Perambulation, continued nearly to the passing of the Municipal Corpora- 
tions Act, 1840, described in Warburton and Whitelaw's Hist, of Dublin, 
Vol. I., p. 103. Lord Essex' Letter to Charles II., is amongst the Essex 
papers printed for Camden Society, 1S90. 

10 Note. — Oxmantown and its Environs, Dublin, 1843. It is by the 
Rev. Nicholas Burton. 


the foundation for houses in Oxmantown, they often came 
upon Scaldbrother's Hole, that in Smithfield it is sometimes 
made use of as vats by the brewers, and in Queen Street 
some vaults of the houses are formed from it, and boys play- 
ing on the hill have been known to fall up to their necks in 
it where the ground is thin. The tradition still lives with 
the usual variations, and the Blue Coat boys still have a 
legend that caverns underlie their schoolroom. 

From Arbour Hill the Ostman bounds crossed Stony- 
batter. This, centuries before the Ostman came, had been 
part of one of the five main roads — Slighs — of Erin, that 
which reached from royal Tara to saintly Glendalough ; it 
crossed the old Ford of Ath Cliath, passing into Fercullen 
and the Dublin and Wicklow hills. It entered Dublin by 
Cabra, and thus Boher-na-cloghan — the stony road— 
Stonybatter, is one of the oldest streets of Europe. From 
Stonybatter the boundary went on to the granaries of 
Gormo, called in Prince John's charter, the Barnes of the 
Holy Trinity. They were large and long lived, and seem to 
have trespassed over the line ; for riding the bounds in 
Henry VIL's time, the Mayor and his brothers met the 
Prior of Christ Church, who was fain to admit the macebearer 
by a ladder and a window into the barn, where was found on 
the floor a stone which was the landmark between town 
and prior, whence they went on east through the orchard 
and so into Ostmantown Green. And when in the first 
of James L the function recurred. Sir Henry Harrington, 
who had been one of Elizabeth's magnates, was owner of the 
barns and the manor house hard by, the calvacade went 
straight for the stone in the " ould barne," and then to 
another, when the Mayor ordered the swordbearer to thrust 
the King's sword through a window, telling Sir Henry that 
but they had made him lately free of the city, they had 
broken a greater passadge. Sir Henry, however, was a states- 
man, he made a banquet to the Mayor in the Manor Hall, 
yet, when they had dined, the persistent guests passed the 
sword through a hole in the south wall and then went on 
through the orchard into the green. The manor came after 


to the family of John Stanley, sheriff in 1632, they held it 
for two hundred years, and in one of the more modern ridings 
some hundred and thirty years ago, the Lord Mayor and 
suite passed, like their predecessors, through Colonel Stanley's 
house. The name is preserved in the little Stanley Street 
not far from the broadway of Manor Street, but an heiress 
of the Stanley's, in 1663, became the wife of Henry Monck, 
whose family ever since have been Stanley Moncks, and the 
present amiable Viscount is lord of one half of the ancient 

The manor house, however, came in time to the Sisters 
of Charity. The site is now a Girl's Training School, managed 
by the nuns, surrounded by high walls, but the writer, track- 
ing the old bounds lately, was most kindly shewn over the 
precincts by the Lady Superioress. Old things have passed 
away, but a beautiful new chapel, designed by Mr. Ashlin, 
has recenttybeen built, a truly architectual gem, like a pearl 
in the shell, secluded from the world, where the barns of 
Christ Church so long stood. But the orchard eastward, 
where the city rulers rode through the ages, now a pro- 
cession of Banquo's ghosts, has a special grace for us, for it 
was one of the early gifts to our King's Hospital, devised 
by a Mrs. Taylor, in 1686. Our rental still calls it the 
Dean's Orchard, but that also is a lucus a non luccndo. It 
bears the fine name of Fitzwilliam Place, a cul de sac to the 
west of the wall of the Richmond Asylum. 

Behind the manor stretched the sylvan land of Gormo, 
known in middle ages as Grangegorman in Sylvis, and the 
Wood of Salcuit, reaching from Ostmantown Green to the 
hamlet of Phibsborough, called from the Anglo-Norman 
Faipoes or Phipoes, vast grabbers of Ostman lands. There 
is a fine tradition of these woods, which, for the honour 
of our Hospital, so near, we fain were proveable, that 
from these came the oak of the glorious roof of 
Westminster Hall, invincible by time or worm, or as Hanmer 
savs : — "No English spider webbeth or breedeth to this 
day." II 

'I Dalton's History of Co. Dub., 517. 


There are legends all round. Gormo himself looms in 
romantic chronicles, a mythical hero, an African prince, 
who came from Spain and conquered Ireland, and then with 
an Irish host, joining Hengist and Horsa, conquered England. 
The myth is a manifest travestie of the Viking invasions of 
both countries, the Paynim Moors taking the place of the 
Paynim Northmen, and yet it was seriously used by Queen 
Elizabeth's cunning lawyers as a support of her claims as 
Queen of both islands in the rebellions of O'Neill as successor 
of our Ostman of Grangegorman. 

Another myth ^ 2 less traceable, connects us with Sherwood 
Forest, telling how when Robin Hood's merry archers were 
broken up, Little John, his First Lieutenant, drifted to Dublin. 
Prayed by the natives to show his prowess, to their joy he 
shot a shaft from the Bridge of Dublin to Arbour Hill, the 
fame of which has been flying through the ages since. In 
Elizabeth's time was still shown where " standeth in 
Ostmantown Green, an hillock named Little John his Shot." 
The legend says that being pursued by the English to eschew 
dangers of the laws, he fled into Scotland. This is indeed 
mythical : to avoid English law surely Ireland was his 
sanctuary. More likely is the other legend that makes his 
ending on the gallows by Gibbet Slade. But traces surer 
than legend have lasted nearly till to-day, though doomed to 
perish to-moriow. Very old records speak of the orchards of 
Grangegorman ; between the Royal Barracks and North 
Circular Road, was an open space known to very few, for 
it was built all round, yet, four years ago it contained more 
than twenty acres, which in the spring were rosy and radiant 
with apple-blossoms, a paradise in this obsure corner of the 
city. It has belonged to the Palmerston Temples and has 
been now sold to the Artisan's Dwellings Company, and 
already the golden groves have been sawn down to the earth 
level ; but the circles of dark wood wreathed with shoots of 
apple leaves could still be measured, and many were two feet 
in diameter denoting for fruit trees, a growth of many 

13 Gilbert's History of Dub., i, 341. 


centuries. The folk-lore of the neighbourhood holds them to 
have been planted by the Danes. The workmen's homes 
will prove a blessing, but it is a pity the red brick or gray 
monotony should not be relieved by a few of these old 
Ostmen, who renewed their youth each recurrent spring, and 
kept venerable memories green. We were fortunate in 
finding these reliquiae Danaum (forgive the word) before 
they were doomed to oblivion. 

The old Ostmantown street ran to the hamlet of 
Glasmenogue and the Broadstone. Beyond the church, and 
west of the strete, rises in the old records a tower. Young's 
Castle, like a lighthouse over a vague sea, perhaps named 
from Younge, Abbot of S. Mary's in 1467. East, west, and 
north of this urban wedge, spread, as we have said, fields and 
meadows, pastures arid orchards. 

North of S. Michan's, and west of the street, was an 
immemorial swamp, Loughboy, the Yellow Lake. It was 
caused by the riveret Bradogue, which entering the suburbs, 
as now where Grangegorman Lane joins the North Circular 
Road, it coursed by the lane and under the site of the future 
prison, thence to the Broadstone, where it probably accounts 
for the glas, or watery ground, of Glasmenogue. Thence 
it spread deviously down the slopes toward the river, 
forming a marsh, which drained into the Pile, a narrow 
estuary, long marked by Pill Lane, now Chancery Street, 
filled in when the Ormond Quay and Market were formed by 
the Duke. So late as 168 1 the city Militia could not march 
to their parade on Ostmantown Green by reason of the swamp. 
Then the Bradogue was forced into regular channels 
running to the river, the main stream by Bolton, Halston 
and Arran Streets ; another by Brunswick Street, then and 
thence called Channel Lane. At the Restoration, when the 
Cromwellian royalists were in the ascendant, Clotworthy, first 
Lord Massereene, had a grant of Loughboy from the city 
confirmed in fee farm to his widow, from whom it passed to 
a great great great grandfather of the writer, whose 
relatives now possess a part. 

But the pride of the place was Ostmantown Green, the 


great lung of the old city within the walls, all to it that the 
Phoenix Park is to Dublin of to-day, and more ; its Champ 
de Mars, the musterground of the civic and royal regiments 
for parade, for pageant, or for war, in it Charles' Corona- 
tion was proclaimed in 1660, and here was the great cattle 
fair, its common of pasture, the rendezvous of civic 
festivities, public and private. A lane passed through it by 
the river from St. Michan's to the Gallows by the Slade, 
known in the Middle Ages as Honkeman's, Hongman's, 
Hangman's Lane, still cryptogrammed in Hamon's Lane to- 
day. In Henry VIIL's time a law is passed that the market 
of all quycke cattle shall be only in the green ; this meant 
live bo vines, for sheep and poultry were sold in the city 
market, and pigs were ever favourites in Dublin streets. 
When after the Restoration the Green was enclosed, the old 
usage was maintained, and Smithiield and the Haymarket, 
ever since kept open, are now the sole remnants of the 
olden Green. In Elizabeth's days there were angry com- 
plaints to the Corporation that the cattle of foreigners 
wTre trespassing on the Commons ; foreigners meant people 
not free of the city, as the rest of the world were as 
Barbarians to the Greeks, and orders were given to John 
Usher, one of the worthies of the period, to see the Green 
pastured by none but freemen, and that proportionable. 

South of the Green was the river, which here strayed 
westward in a wide reach, mudbanks on each side with a 
double channel embracing a ^reat island, lizard shaped, 
six acres in extent, which ran from the old bridge at Ath- 
cliath to opposite the site of the royal barracks. This was 
Usher's Island, which was afterwards merged in the 
southern quays, but it still preserves memories that should 
not be lost, of one of the worthiest of our Dublin names. 
The Ushers were city magnates in Plantagenet times, 
John Usher, Mayor in 1561, merits a niche even in the 
Elizabethan Temple of Fame : statesman, philanthropist, 
promoter of learning, he won the confidence of Lord 
Burleigh and of Walsingham, and as one of the first who 
pressed upon them the project of the Dublin University, 


may be regarded as one of the founders of the College of 
which his greater kinsman was one of the first fellows. By 
him was published the first book e\'er printed in Irish type, 
of which only one copy is supposed to exist. I t was th e 
Church Catechism . Archbishop Adam Loftus writes to 
Walsingham in London — " my only suite to your honour 
is for the speedie return of Mr. Usher, the citie in these 
times standeth in such need of him." He was Warden of 
Oxmantown. His son. Sir William, followed in his steps, 
published the first extant version of the New Testament 
in Irish. The male line of this family failed, but from their 
ladies descend the great Duke of Wellington, and the Dukes 
of Leinster. But the name shall not die as long as learning 
lives embalmed in the memory of the great Primate of 

To the east of the Ostmantown or S. Michan's Street 
rose by the river side on the site of the old monastery of '^ ^ i-" 
S. Saviour's, " the Innes " not, however, to be used as tt^:. , 
tribunals till when one hundred and thirty five years later, 
the Four Courts were thither removed from Christ Church, 
much to the disgust of the city houseowners, to erect the 
temple of British Justice in the centre of the homes of the 
Dublin Danes. 



The poverty of the city was complicated and intense, the / /_ . 
misery not merely of the poor, the precipitates of misfortune 
or fault, who are always with us, but penury born of twenty 
years of terrible unrest which had spread through all society 
like a malaria. Dublin twice beleaguered and perpetually 
harassed, conflict within, and war without, her suburbs 
the scenes of many fights and of a desolating battlefield, 
found her commerce prostrate, her provincial trade paral\'zed, 
her capital, public and private, vanished away, unable now 
to maintain her own natural population, much less the 
forlorn who flocked to her recurrently from the chaos 


fltside. When the rebelhon burst hundreds of " poor 
uistressed English," with their famihes, repaired to the city 
"stript, denuded and destitute of everything. The Assembly 
Rolls testify gratefully to the unparalleled humanity of 
Ormonde at this time, though himself then a chief sufferer. 
After the first ten years, in 1651, half the houses in the 
city were destroyed, and Cromwell's Government were 
obliged to import a colony of artizans from England 
to rebuild. Numbers of houses were derelict, and the 
records are replete with petitions of the city lessees 
to be forgiven their rents or allowed to surrender ; as they 
could not get a shilling from the occupiers. One of these 
is Francis Aungier, first Lord Longford, who owned the 
quarter in which ran the street still called by his name. 
In 1657 Lord Mayor Tighe, who had been sent as repre- 
sentative to Oliver's last Parliament, is clamouring for 
the unpaid iTioo granted him by the city, but the salaries 
of the humbler city officers were left unpaid, and in the 
year of the restoration there is a plaint from all the city 
beadles, that they have had nothing for ten months, and are 
starving. The rebellion was, no doubt, chargeable with these 
calamities, but the retribution was terrible indeed. 

For the Restoration at first only enhanced the trouble, 
when many thousands were looking to it as to a millennium, 
and motley throngs were crowding to the Courts of Clairns, 
which would have needed such miraculous power as fed the 
■ five thousand to satisfy all. The Commissioners might 
have envied the lot even of the Land Commissions of our 
dav, for their problem was a Gordian knot, which time 
only could unravel when the threads were out-worn. The 
position was something thus : — 

The Cromwellian settlers were in possession viva manu 
of thousands and thousand of acres in the three nearer 
provinces assigned them, nominally for their arrears of 
pay, and they thus claimed by double title of conquest and 
purchase ; many of them had resold, and the vendees 
thus had a further title by purchase. But the confiscated 
owners, whether exiled to Connaught or wandering at large. 


were not merely rebel Irishry ; they comprised the lealest 
and noblest of the Royalists, such as Ormonde himself, 
his titled cousins, and Clanricarde, who were penalized 
by the Protector as delinquent. These, of course, must 
be restored. Then there were the Confederate Catholic 
lords and leaders, who, when the king was doomed, made 
p eace with Ormonde in 1648, under articles providing for 
their restoration when the monarchy should be restored. 
These are known as the A rticle Men. Then there were the 
hundreds, women, children, lunatics, who could not have 
rebelled, and the relatives of rebel leaders entitled in re- 
mainder who had not taken arms, and then there were the 
Ensignmen, rebel warriors at first, who, allowed by Oliver to 
emigrate as soldiers of fortune, had joined Charles in his exile, 
and fought under his nominal ensigns in the low countries 
for France and against France, for Spain and against Spain, 
according to the shifting interests of our fugitive Prince. 
Many had served for years in battalions personally com- 
manded by James himself, and several had become adherents 
of the phantom Court of Charles at Breda, and were 
thus more Royalist than the Royalists themselves. Beside 
these were a select^ list nominated by the king for favour 
and restitution. All were included in his Gracious 
Declaration of November, 1660, and were in high hope. 

But restitution could only be at the expense of the 
Crom^ellian settlers, and these were many-hued also. 
The re gicide s, of course, were outside mercy, and Cook, 
who as Solicitor General, had prosecuted the king in West- 
minster Hall, and had been made Lord Chief Justice in 
Ireland, Miles Corbett, who had been assigned the Castle 
of the Talbots of Malahide, and named Lord Chief Baron, 
and Colonel Axtell, Commandant of the halberdiers at the 
King's execution, who had been rewarded with the Kilkenny 
estates of the Butlers, were carried to London to be hanged, 
drawn and quartered at Tyburn. But the moderates who 
had worked with Henry Cromwell had joined in the recall 
of Charles on the express terms that their estates should be 
confirmed, and they now posed as the King's best friends. 



Then there were the old Royalist families; settlers under 
James I. and Elizabeth, who had gone over to the Common- 
wealth when it prevailed, such as Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill, 
son of the first Earl of Cork ; he joined Cromwell in person 
on his coming to Ireland, and had Lord Muskerry's Manor 
of Blarney, for his guerdon ; and Sir Charles Coote, Chief 
Commissioner of Cromwell's plantation, now rewarded with 
a Galway estate of the Clanricardes, and Gormanstown Castle 
in Co. Dublin ; such as Dr. Henry Jones, bishop of Clogher, 
and his brother, Colonel Theophilus, sons of the old 
centenarian bishop of Killaloe. Bishop Henry had con- 
sented to replace the Prayer Book with the Presbyterian 
Directory. He became Oliver's Scout-master General, 
and acted as herald of the engagement to the government 
as then established, without King or House of Lords, and 
his prize was Lynch's Knock, or Summerhill, near Trim, 
lately famous as the hunting lodge of the beautiful ill- 
starred Empress of Austria. Sir Theophilus, with Sir 
Charles Coote, had acted as Commissioners for punishing 
any who should promote the interests of Charles Stuart. 
He got the Sarsfield demesne at Lucan for his pains. 

But there are " Vicars of Bray " whose government never 
goes out. Seeing how the cat jumped in 1659, Broghill, Coote 
and Sir Theophilus Jones seized Dublin Castle in December, 
and summoned a convention of the estates in February, 
1660, to the Four Courts in Christchurch Place. They 
declared, like Monk, for an open Parliament, and treated 
personally with Charles for restoration on the terms of 
confirming their estates. Now they were seeking, not 
merely confirmation, but rewards, seats on the Privy 
Council, new dignities and ennoblement, and they got them 
mostly. Henry Jones was made Bishop of Meath, Sir 
Charles Coote Earl of Mountrath, Theophilus was sworn 
of the Privy Council, and behind these Cromwellians, noble 
and ignoble, were " Oliver's dogs," most formidable of all — 
Ironsides, who had not forgotten the use of pike and musket,, 
and who were not to be displaced, but " that they would 
have a knock for it first." They were furious when they 


learned that any Irishry, new Royalist or Innocents, held 
the letters of the king. As to the Remainder Men, they said 
" they would know how to cut off their tayles." If a Crom- 
wellian must be dispossessed, he must, at least, have reprisal 
out of the Connaught lands to be vacated by the return of 
the exiles or otherwise somehow. 

Verily a motley flock, plaintiffs and defendants, thronging 
to the Courts of Claims. 

Of these, there were three. The first, of thirty-six 
Commissioners, sat from March 1661, for nearly a year ; 
their work was ratified by the Act of Settlement of 1662. 
But they chiefly represented the Royalist and Royalist 
Cromwellians, who were now dominant, and did little for 
anyone else, so by Ormonde's influence they were super- 
seded, and a new court of five gentlemen sat in September 
1662, to further consider the claims of the Innocents, 
Article, and Ensign men. 

But there were more than eight thousand of these, 
and when many claims had been acknowledged, there were 
no lands available to meet the multitudinous residue, so the 
court was obliged to declare a closure after a twelve-months' 
sitting, and they did not re-open until 1666 to administer 
the Act of Explanation of 1665, the supplement of the 
settlement of three years before. Meanwhile the city 
swarmed with piteous crowds. These were not the claimants 
merely, but their wives and families, and their retainers, 
for, as Thackeray says, " there is never an Irishman so 
wretched, but he has some more wretched dependent 
hanging upon him." When Ormonde came back as 
Lord Lieutenant in July, 1662, he found the country 
" as divided and unsettled as is or ever was in Christendom." 
When the first Court was sitting, in 1661, Lord Chancellor 
Eustace writes to Ormonde of the unrestored Innocents, 
" our streets be full of those miserable creatures of all 
sorts, noble as well as of inferior degree." When the 
Law Courts opened next year, there were scenes fit for 
Lucian or Dante to imagine, tattered nobles and officers 
scarred and sunburnt, with buff coats patched, jack-boots 



and Bilboa blade, and broken-hearted followers around 
them, heart-sick with hope deferred ; and so on for the 
miserable years, till for too many hope was dead. 

Bourke, Baron of Castleconnel-on-Shannon, had fought 
under Ormonde, his relative, against Cromwell in 1650, 
and afterwards for five years trailed a pike in James's 
regiment in the Netherlands. As an Ensignman, he 
petitioned the king in 1662, stating he was in debt for food, 
raiment, and " unable to subsist if your Majestie relieve me 
not ; " five years afterwards, he tells Ormonde, who had 
at last procured him a pension, that he had been forced to 
pawn his very clothes for twenty pounds to bring him out of 
Dublin, and was unable to appear for want of dress, " my 
wife and children ready to forsake house and home, and 
the little stock I had being taken for rent." MacCarthy 
Reagh of Bandon, connected by marriage with Ormonde, 
was a married Ensignman. He writes in 1665 to the Duke, 
that he, his wife, and seven children, had been forced for 
want of a home to come to Dublin ; where they had not a 
penny or penny's worth to relieve them, and in a condition 
ready to perish with starving, with no other subsistence, 
but wandering from house to house, looking for bread." 

The O'Dempsey, Viscount Clanmalier, of the Queen and 
King's Counties, had fought as a rebel, but was amongst 
the Aoiicle Men ; he had been imprisoned by the Cromwell 
Government five years in Dublin, and so could not join 
the Ensigns abroad. He had nothing now to live on, but 
his claim was abortive, for his great estates had passed to 
Bennett, afterwards Lord Arlington of the Cabal, who 
formed the Queen's County lands into the Manor of 
Portarlington, for his distinguished self. Andrew Tuite, 
Lord of Cullanmore Castle, Westmeath, a Confederate chief, 
who had been imprisoned by the opposite Irish faction of 
the Nuncio, was reinstated at the Restoration by the king's 
letter, but, dying soon after, his son Walter was dispossessed 
by a Cromwellian claiming under the Act of Settlement. In 
1666 his petition states he had been in Dublin twelve 
months with not sixpence for six months to relieve him ; 


two of his sons in the city, who from cold and want, had 
sickened to the point of death, whilst his mother, daughter, 
and two other sons were the Lord knows where, having not 
a bit to put in their mouths. 

These were magnates. There was no land to reprize them; 
how was it with the starving others ? 

Charles and Ormonde have incurred the obloquy of 
ingratitude and breach of the promises which they were 
really anxious to fulfil, but the truth is this would have 
needed another Ireland, and a new army ; for sejfishness 
and tapacity were rampant. A general displacement of 
the Cromwellians would indubitably have evoked another 
Civil War ; as it was they projected one, and a plot to seize 
Ormonde and Dublin Castle, and to restore the Covenant 
was only suppressed by the hanging of Colonel Alexander 
Jephson and his co-conspirators. In several instances 
restored Innocents were evicted by forcible entry, and the 
ejectors could never be displaced. It was hoped that the 
estates of the regicides and of some noted rebels still un- 
punished, might have proved large assets for redistribution, 
but to secure Court influence, the Cromwellian faction had 
the regicides' lands assigned to James of York, w4io, it was 
hoped, would have served his old comrades out of these, 
but he for whom they had bled, for whom, as king, the Irish 
afterwards staked their all, would not surrender an acre, 
and when five thousand acres of Oliver's own assignment 
in Meath were resettled on a Royalist, he claimed to be 
recouped elsewhere. Henry Cromwell had been so moderate, 
so generously kind, to the Duchess of Ormonde, that he was 
permitted to sell his great estate in Tipperary, and the 
purchasers were confirmed. So with many another expected 

So Dublin was filled with a ruined rabble of famished 
strangers, and natives little better off. This was the 
misery that led to the Letter of Lord Ossory, that led to ^ 
the founding of the King's Hospital. 




King's Hospital was a rebirth or continuation of the old 
Free School of Dublin, which is thus a part of our storv, 
and one which throws odd light and shade on the educa- 
tional and financial conditions of the Caroline age, which 
might cause wonder to the Commissioners of Education and 
the School Committees of our time. 

A lanelet still tumbles down the hill of Dublin, from High 
Street to Cook Street, like a turbid brook ; there is a mound 
at one side of ruined masonry, the stones are the fossils of 
the old "Free Schole of the Cittie," this street was Rame 
Lane in the middle ages, it is called Schoolhouse Lane 
still, though the School ceased there so very many years 
ago. I The City Assembly Rolls in the reign of Henry VIII. , 
and for a century after, have entries giving the names of the 
masters appointed by the Corporation and their salaries, 
these range from £20 Enghsh to /lo Irish, with the duty of 
teaching twenty children of freemen, and the rights of 
receiving from the parents from three shillings to eighteen 
pence a quarter, for each child ; for anything beyond this 
they were referred to " the curtesies of the parentes according 
to their dysposycions ; " they might, however, take pupils 
from the country for whatever they could get. They had 
residence in the garrets, over the big draughty School room, 
which would seem to have been held by the Corporation 
under covenant, to be kept continually out of repair, for 
there is an enquiry into the ruins of the free School house 
in__i6^i5, and the complaints of the successive masters are 
piteous and recurrent. Yet these teachers were no hedge 

1 Gilb. Cal, 2, 438. 


schoolmasters, nor were the pupils mere charity boys. The 
master was to " teach the children of the free citizens in 
humanytie, and others the liberal Sciences and frealtyes," 
and he did it, at least sometimes. 

In 1588, the year after Mary Stuart's death, two Scotch- 
men, James Fullerton and James Hamilton, came here as 
secret emissaries on behalf of her son, James VL, to pro- 
mote his succession to the English crown. But the king 
could not support them, and so Fullerton became master 
of the City School and Hamilton assisted there ; clever 
Scotchmen can live on little. 

When James became King of England, both had large 
grants of forfeited estates in Ireland. Hamilton was made 
Lord Clandeboye, his teeming posterity includes Lord 
Dufferin, Lord Holmpatrick, and the Hamilton Rowan 
family. Fullerton was knighted, became first gentleman of 
the Royal bedchamber, and was buried in Westminster 

But they had a pupil far greater than themselves, 
in that year, 1588, a little boy of eight years, James Usher, 
entered the School and remained there five years, and there 
was laid the basis, as the great Primate often acknowledged, 
of a learning perhaps the vastest and deepest of his day. 
He too lies in the great Abbey, not far from his old master 
of the Dublin Free School. 

Poor as was the pittance, the office was deemed of great 
public importance, for, in 1642, Thomas Coffie is recommended 
as master by both houses of Parliament, yet, shortly after he 
complains that the slating of the roof is off. And the pittance 
was often in arrear. Even Fullerton had to petition " for £26 
being dewe unto him as well for his stipent as his dyet," 
at last in 165 1, at the close of Oliver's Conquest, the City 
couldn't even promise to pay anything, and appointed John 
Carr on the express terms that he was to have no salary 
beyond what he might get from the parents. We hear no 
more of him, and may hope he didn't starve ; the school did. 

So the new regime took up the question magniloquently "1 
enough at least. After electing their new Mayor, the 


Assembly, in October, 1660, passed a law that the 
Reverend William Hill, Doctor of Divinity, shall 
have the place of Schoolmaster of the Cittie, and 
that the Mayors and Sheriffs be visitors, who, once 
a year or oftener as they see cause, shall see the said 
School well ordered and governed. At £15 a year, he was to 
teach twenty poor freemen's children to be nominated by 
the Mayor, for eighteen pence per child, per quarter, and 
other men's children as he can agree. The Dominie does 
not seem to have had a good time of it. 

In the May following he is asking the Corporation to lay 
down a course for the speedy reparation of the roof ; they 
ordered the Masters of the City Works to repair it, to be 
paid on the warrant of the Mayor, but though the warrant 
went the Treasurer had no money, and the poor Doctor 
was forced to spend £25 himself to make the place a con- 
venient habitation for himself and family. It is not strange, 
therefore, that in 1664 he resigned, accepting a prebend's 
stall in St. Patrick's, glad, we presume, to be put back into 
the priest's office that he might eat a piece of bread. Yet, 
Dr. Hill, too, had an illustrious pupil. In 1662 Sir 
Winston Churchill was in Dublin as one of the Commissioners 
of the Court of Claims. His eldest son, John, was a boy of 
twelve, and was placed suh ferula of the Free School 
here. Hill was the Helicon at which the great Duke of 
Marlborough took his early draughts, and here was taught 
the hand that wrote the despatches of Blenheim and Ramilies. 
It is curious to think of this boy and of what he was think- 
ing as he plodded daily by Christ Church and the precints 
of the now Synod Hall. His enemies in his greatness said he 
couldn't spell, and possibly this School is responsible, for 
Dr. Hill seemingly spells " School " and " repair " with 
final " ees," and " especially " and " speedy " end in " ie," 
but, as Lord Wolseley justly says, orthography was then 
fluctuous ; it was Addison and Steele, Swift and Pope that 
fixed the standard, and even with Swift, '• asparagus " is 
" sparrowgrass." At any rate, Marlborough shares this blame 
with Napoleon and Wellington. 



Hill was starved out, but a place in Dublin is never vacant 
without many clamouring to fill it. The hint of Hill's 
resigning brought many rivals into the field. Mr. Fletcher 
was the fortunate candidate, his scholarship being approved 
by Primate Margetson, and in the grand language of the 
rolls, he was "" invested in the said Free School and the 
Salary thereto belonging," which sounds queorly with the 
arrears due Dr. Hill still left unpaid. Fletcher fared no 
better than Hill, he is soon bleating over the repairs. " There 
is," he says, " a Schoolroom and a large fay re room over it, 
but the latter has no chimney, and it would be very con- 
venient if the chimney should be built, which would not be 
very chargeable, for the tender children frequently made their 
address in cold weather in a strait little kitchen, scarce suitable 
for his own family." - There is pathos in that plea of the little 
strait kitchen sufficient for his own family, though scarcely so. 

He seems to have come to grief, for in 1668 there was a 
petition for the appointment of Matthew Spring, M.A., 
founded on reasons " therein set forth," but which do not 
appear in the rolls ; on this the grant to Fletcher was declared 
to be void, and Spring reigned in his stead, the Assembly 
ordering that the School should henceforth be visited by the 
Mayor and Sheriffs twice in the year, in June and September, 
instead of once as in Hill's time. But Spring, too, seems 
to have been a failure. Very shortly after his appointment, 
there is a rather angry order by the Assembly that no usher 
whatever be placed in the Free School under Matthew 
Spring, without the authority of the City, and in 1671 he was 
discharged. For the Corporation had meanwhile taken up 
the education question in real earnest. Early in that year they 
commissioned the Lord Mayor, Sir W. Davys, the Recorder, 
and the Sheriffs to confer with Lord Berkeley, the Lord 
Lieutenant, and the Lord Chancellor for establishing and 
regulating such a Free School as the Assembly desired. 
These gentlemen reported chat His Excellency and the 
Chancellor were most desirous of the same, and would 
recommend that some dignity should be conferred on some 

- Gilb. Cal., 4, 522. 


able Schoolmaster, and allow out of his revenue four score 
pounds for his support, and assign for the Schoolhouse the 
great house in Back Lane, called the Hospital, then in his 
hands, which, however, would cost £400 to repair. The 
report was ratified, the Dean of Christ Church, Dr. Parry, 
' lp-i1 ■ who became Bishop of Ossory in the following year7~waS 

appointed under the city seal, to contract with a School- 
master in England, and the Lord Lieutenant applied to the 
King for letters patent for a new Free School. Poor 
Matthew Spring was discharged, and the old School in Rame 
Lane was closed and for ever. 

The King's letter followed to Lord Berkeley in May ; it 
dates from Whitehall, and recites : " We are given to under- 
stand there is an extraordinary want of a good Schole in 
Dublin, the metropolis of our Kingdom of Ireland, by reason 
whereof our loving subjects of all ranks and conditions 
inhabiting in our sayd city and other places of that King- 
dome are forced for the education of their children to send 
them to remote parts, and sometimes beyond the seas from 
their own oversight not only to the great hasard of their 
lives and health, but of having their youth corrupted with 
evil principles in religion by persons who may take advantage 
with their learning to instil erroneous, dangerous and 
destructive opinions." It then states the King's pleasure in 
conformity with the advice of Dr. Michael Boyle, Lord 
Archbishop of Dublin, and the Lord Mayor of our said city 
that there be for ever a Free Grammar School in the city, 
with fit and able Schoolmasters to be approved from time 
to time by the Lord Archbishop and Lord Mayor. To 
augment the Corporation grants and to insure masters " in 
a more than ordinary measure qualified for instructing 
youth after the best manner in School learning," the advow- 
son of the first of the three dignities, Chanter, Chancellor, or 
Treasurer, of Christ Church which shall be vacant is to be 
settled for ever so that the Master from time to time, and no 
other, shall be incumbent. The Hospital in Back Lane, 
called Kildare House, for whicli it is stated the King pays 
£12 yearly to the Dean and Chapter, is allocated for the 


First designate Chaplain of tlie Blue Coat. 
Bishop of Cork, 1678; Kilmore, 1699, 

Obiit, 1714; ^t., 78. 

From an Original Picture b\' Vander Vaert. 

Liuitton : Piiblisticci by S. Woodbnrn. 1S13. 

[To fat-e page 41 


SchooL Pending a vacancy in one of the dignities, the King 
will allow £80 a year for the chief Schoolmaster out of the 
Irish Exchequer. The Archbishop, Lord Mayor, Deans of 
Christ Church and St. Patrick's and the Provost of Trinity 
College for the time being, are made visitors, and Letters 
Patent are directed to issue. 

Dean Parry went to England and secured a first-class man. 
This was the Rev. Edward W etten hall, resident Canon of 
Exeter. He had been a pupil of that ideal swishtail. Dr. 
Busby, of Westminster School, thence he entered Trinity, 
Cambridge, but passing to Lincoln, Oxon, graduated B.D, 
there in 1669. He was a fine scholar, author of Wettenhall's 
Greek Grammar, which with Dorey's Prosody, and the 
Latin Delectus, held its place in English and Irish Schools for 
mor% than a century and a half. Resigning everything in 
England, he came here in 1672, with his family and an 
assistant Master, Walter Neale, to whom he was himself to 
pay £50 a year. But there w^as no School for him, nothing 
in the city coffers to pay his £80 salary, much less to trans- 
form Kildare Hall, or provide for the pupils. The 
Corporation, furthermore, were then building our Hospital 
and Free School, as we shall presently see, and had not 
enough for that. They were, however, ashamed of them- 
selves and the Assembly in June considering it would tend 
much* to the loss and dishonour of the city if the master 
should be forced to turn into England again, ordered 
accommodation for the master and scholars to be provided 
in the new Hospital, if the Lord Lieutenant's consent should 
be obtained. Wettenhall must, therefore, be regarded as 
dejure our first Headmaster. But our Hospital wasn't ready, 
so meanwhile, he hi red rooms himself, at £20 a year, where 
with Walter Neale " he^Jtaught School in the City in as 
publique manner as he could," as he tells in his petition in 
January, 1674, wherein he plaintively sets forth his wrongs, 
and prays for his arrears of salary, and that steps may be 
taken to give him a house and school somewhere. The 
Assembly ordered his arrears to be paid, and referred his 
petition to the Sub-Governors of our Blue Coat, of whom 


anon, and paid his rent out of the revenue of the City 
waters. In this year our Hospital was approaching com- 
pletion, but theie was no room for him yet. His petitions 
were entered in the Journal of the Blue Coat Governors ; but 
Dublin could not afford two Free Schools, and he must 
wait for another year. He had held his ground, working 
like a man, and thinking while he taught in his temporary 
lodging, yet earning high repute as clergyman and scholar. 
But only a few months before our building was about to 
open and ready to receive him, he preached a famous 
sermon in Christ Church called " Collyrion " at a time when 
he needed a heart salve himself. And the King, as he told 
the City, kept his promise to him, for he was now installed 
Precentor of Christ Church in 1675, and Prebendary of 
Castleknock in St. Patrick's, and in 1679 with iiigh 
acclaim became Bishop of Cork, eight Prelates taking part 
in the Consecration, the Primate Margetson, Archbishop 
Boyle, the Bishops of Meath, , Kildare, Raphoe, Killaloe, 
and Dr. John Parry, his sponsor, now Bishop of Ossory. In 
1699 he was translated to Kilmore. In both positions 
eminent, he rebuilt at Cork the old Bishop's Court, which he 
used as his palace ; at Kilmore he built the Episcopal House 
at the west end of the Church, and began the restoration 
of the ruined Cathedral of St. Patrick at Ardagh. He 
died in 1713, full of honours, and lies in' Westminster Abbey. 
Brave old City Free School, three of your memories amongst 
the ashes of the great. 3 

The collapse of the Free School was, in truth, because 
the City had in mind the combination of an Hospital with 
the School, to maintain wnich separately was utterly beyond 
their means, nor could they have attempted either, but for 
the allotment of Stephen's and Oxmantown Greens, a 
further breach of Strafford's ordinance, yet, one of vital and 
lasting moment to our Hospital, for it gave us a home and a 

^ This account of the Free School and Dr. Wettenhall is drawn from 
Gilbert's Calendar, \'ols. IV. and V. ; his History of Dublin, Vol. I. Sir 
James Ware's Irish Bishops ; the Minute Books of King's Hospital. 
Lord Wolseley's Life of Marlborough, and Elrington's Life of Usher have 
been consulted. 

6/;n/^'i/. J/i/',/V.,^AV6:v/A.s/y/;;AAA7:i//;. , .s- ^n-riiEXsCRKKX. 

St. Stephen's Green, as allotted in 1664 

(The adjoining Streets were inserted in the Map many years afterwardsV 

[To face page Vi 


permanent endowment. In 1663 the Assembly, reciting 
that '' by the late rebellion and long continued troubles of 
this Kingdom, the treasury of this Cittie is cleerly exhausted," 4 
resolved that by letting the outskirts of S. Stephen's Green 
and other waste lands, a considerable rent may be reserved. 
In the next year they had these skirts laid out in parcels, 
for which lots were drawn by the City IVIagnates themselves 
and other Notables, whose names appear in the Assembly 
Rolls. It may seem a mighty job, but the Corporation in 
fact had no money to build on, or even to enclose the wastes. 
Each allottee was to pay one penny per foot on three sides 
of the green, and one halfpenny on the south, or country 
side, and fines of ten shillings for each shilling of the ground 
rents. All were given grants in perpetuity, but each was 
bound to erect his portion of the boundary wall opposite his 
lot, and to plant six sycamore trees alongside. Next year 
Oxmantown Green was similarly dealt with, the allottees 
paying forty shillings tine and twenty as head rent, but in 
the lists we find Nos. 88 and 89 marked " Free School," 
showing what was in mind even then. 5 The space for the 
great market, now Smithfield, is also reserved and the 
residue of the green, at the instance of the Duke of Ormonde, 
was levelled as an exercise ground for his new regiment of 
Irish Guards, and the City Militia, after the City, who had 
nothing but waste lands, had presented to the Duke himself 
seven Irish acres. The feeling of gratitude towards him was 
intense, and the city wished him to have a palace and to live 
in Dublin. These acres are just to the west of the present 
Blue Coat playground, on the site of the Royal Barracks, 
erected in 1706 ; for the Duke's calls to London, and his 
son Ossory's death, prevented his building here, and the 
second Duke's life was chiefly in England. 

The maps of the allotments which we insert may be of 
interest to some of the present residents, as they certainly 
are to the King's Hospital, part of whose title deeds they 
are, though, as with many Irish landlords, our rents are small. 
"The skirts" of Stephen's Green thus allotted, amounted 

* Gilb. Cal,, 4-256, 271, 299. ^ Gilb. Cal., 4, 358. 


to seventeen Irish acres, from which the aspect of the 
original expanse may be partially realized. 

The outsider allottees in Oxmantown were more numerous 
in Oxmantown than in Stephen's Green, because Oxman- 
town was then becoming the fashionable West-end. Lots 
there were drawTi by Lords Dungannon and ^lassareene, 
Chief Baron Bysse, who, as an old recorder, had asked leave 
to draw. Sir Hercules Langford, ancestor of the Rowleys, 
Lords Langford, and Warner Westenra, ancestor of the 
Lords Rossmore. He was then a member of the Corporation. 

> >/:.\/:/,:ii. ( /rri,i.\i-: Mai- ,.■///.„■. t 

■■J //.,<: / '/■/>////(// /,t'/..Y nj' ( JXM.l.X J <j/i:\' . 


Oxmantown Green, as allotted in 1665 

[To face page 44 

[ 4S ] 



Our Hospital bears the name of Charles II., but we may 
claim a purer eponymus than he, for its originating impulse 
came from one of the very noblest soldiers and statesmen of 
that not very noble age ; one of the choice spirits who rescue 
it from the shame of ignobility, Thomas, Lord Ossory, the 
Duke of Ormonde's eldest son, the darling, not only of courts 
but of nations, of navies, as well as armies. Paladin sans 
pcur at sans reprochc, Laudatus a laudato, his epitaph is 
written by John Evelyn — himself perhaps the worthiest of 
English worthies of his time, in a page which even now can 
hardly be read without emotion : — " No one more brave 
more modest ; none more humble, sober, and every way 
virtuous. Unhappy England in this illustrious person's 
loss ; universal was the mourning for him, and the eulogies 
on him. I stood night and day by his bedside to his last 
gasp, to close his dear eyes."^ He is imm.ortalized by Drydcn 
in Abso/om and Achitophc/, as one of the handful of states- 
men who redeemed the times, and,deploring his early loss, he 
sings : — 

" Yet not before the goal of honour won, 
All parts fulfilled of subject and of son. 
Swift was the race, but short the time to run." 

Swift, writing to Pope fifty years afterwards, says:- — "" The old 
Duke used to sav he would not change his dead son Ossory 
for the best living son in Europe." In 1668 he was in Dublin, 
Deputy for his father, then Lord Lieutenant. Struck w'th 

^ Diary, August, 1680. 2 Correspondence. 1735. 


the dearth and misery in the city, partially depicted in 
Chapter I., he wrote on 8 February to the Corporation calling 
attention to the numbers of strangers who had crowded into 
the cit^^increasing the destitution of the native citizens, and 
suggesting that steps should be taken to banish the strange 
beggars, and to make provision for the poor who were 
entitled to be maintained in it. This letter, nearh^ a century 
afterwards, is styled by Charles Lucas as the laying of the 
first stone of the Blue Coat School. The Corporation 
responded with enthusiam. In the assembly of March, the 
subject was debated on a petition setting forth that for want 
of an hospital for the poor and aged men and women, and 
for the fatherless and motherless children without friends 
or estates to live on, the city is much annoyed with beggars, 
to its discredit and dishonour. It was stated that -{200 was 
already placed in the hands of Alderman Mark Ouin, Lord 
Mayor of the year before, and now City Treasurer, by a 
person who desires that the needful work should go on. A 
ver}^ strong committee was thereon appointed, consisting of 
the Lord MayorTSheriffs, all the Aldermen, and forty-eight 
of the Commons, to select a site for the hospital, "appoint 
overseers, collect subscriptions, do all other matters for the 
speedy carrying on of the said good work, and to report to 
Lord Ossory and the Council, as also to the next Assembly. 
The committee was empowered to consider how orphan's 
propertv could be secured as in London, and they were to 
act under the advice of Sir Wm. Davys, the Recorder. 
Ossory's government ceasing with his father's in 1669, the 
Corporation presented him with the freedom of the city " as 
a monument of their gratitude and affection." In acknowledg- 
ment he writes : — " The beginning of my life, if infancy can 
be so called, was within your jurisdiction, and my first 
entrance into public emploj^ment was the care of that king- 
dom of which your own is the first and most considerable. I 
shall ever be to the city of Dublin a most faithful citizen and 
affectionate servant." 

The Committee worked with a will ; their first mandate 
was for an hospital, but they contemplated with this to 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675. 47 

combine a great city school as part of the project, and as 
they were of the whole House they had a free hand. They 
immediately selected as the site the Lots 87 and 88 on Oxman- 
town Green, which had been left unallotted in 1665, and 
then marked in the Maps as for the Free School, and without 
waiting for any report they began to work on this site on the 
28 MAY, 1669, which may be regarded as the birthday of 
King's Hospital, for the first report to the Assembly of 
January, 1670, states that on that day " the pious work 
first began." This report gives a full account of the steps 
already taken, with lists of subscribers and of subscriptions, 
amounting to more than ri,ioo, which it asks to be made a 
record of the cit}^ " whereby a lasting memory may be perpetu- 
ated of the present benefactors, which will be an encourage- 
ment to others to follow their good example." The Committee, 
asking that their past dealing may be preserved from calumny, 
which, through ignorance, may be cast upon them, prays"] 
that a Charter be procured from the Crown conformable to 
that of Christ's Hospital in London, and that as an endow- 
ment the headrents of the lots in Oxmantown and St. ' 
Stephen's Green may be leased in trust for the Hospital for 
ever. 3 

The Assembly at once declared their good acceptance of 
the diligence and faithful actings of the Committee in 
carrying the good work so far forward through God's bless- 
ing, beyond expectation, and ordered the lists of benefactors 
to be recorded. An instrument prepared by Davys, the 
Recorder, was executed, conveying the headrents of both the 
Greens to feoffees to be nam.ed in the Royal Charter, wliich 
the City was at once to apply for, and the rents were ordered 
to be payable from the preceding Michaelmas. 

Our founders were evidently in earnest, for the actual 
grant from the Corporation bears on it the very date of this 
Assembly, January, 1670. It is made to Alderman Richard 
Tighe and others, as trustees for the King's Hospital, and 
conveys" all the headrents oTthe 99 lots in Oxmantown, and 
the 89 lots in St. Stephen's Green, to hold in perpetuity. 

^ Gilbert's Calendar. 4-485. 



/The primary list of subscribers was entered, as directed, in 
the Assembly rolls, and is printed in full in Sir John Gilbert's 
Records A There are in all eighty-one donors. It has a column 
of annual endowments, tottiiTgT;o £§2 iosT? and a second for 
the money gifts. This latter does not include the /200, the 
primary subscription placed in Mark Quin's hands ; this 
had been already invested at ten per cent, and appears in 
the first column as /20 a year ; in our own records it heads 
our endowments as granted b3' " a person of quaUty who 
would be nameless," and who in all probability was Lord 
Ossory himself, for there is no other gift from him. His father 
the Duke gave £100 a year for several years, and Quin gave 
personally £100 and an annuity of f,'^ a year. Davys, the 
Recorder, and Aldermen Smith, Preston and Lewis Desmy- 
nieres gave their allotments in Oxmantown Green, six in all, 
in fee-simple, towards the perpetual endowment, but these, 
being still waste, yielded no present revenue. The general 
subscribers were chiefly aldermen and merchants, but Sir 
Edward Smith, Chief Justice of Conmion Pleas, subscribed 
£50, and Sir Henry Tichbourne £70. He was grandson of 

"Sir ITenry, one of the four sons of Sir William Tichbourne of 
Tichbourne, Hampshire, ancestoi of the lost young Sir Roger, 
was personated by the base claimaat Orson in the great 
Cause Celebre of thirty-six years ago. Sir William on the 
death of Elizabeth, as High Sheriff of Hampshire, had 
proclaimed James L, and the grateful King knighted all his 
four sons. Of these Sir Henry settled in Ireland, his grandson, 
our benefactor, was afterwards created Lord Ferrard. By the 
beginning of 1670 £1,200 had been spent on the building. The 
start was good, but the work begun in May, 1669 was not 
completed till May, 1675. The delay was not due merely to 
want of funds or size of the building, but in much to a civic 
conPiict, which paralysed the Corporation, our governors, for 
more than two years ; it therefore becomes part of our 
history, and whilst the Hospital is being built we venture to 
recall it. 

^ Gilbert's Calendar, 4-49.2. 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668- 1675 49 

E.xpuLsiON OF Early Founders. 

The commotion here was a vibration of the chords of 
court intrigue in London. In 1669 James, the King's brother, 
had secretly clianged his religion, and Charles, inclining to 
follow him, but wavering to risk his crown for his creed, had 
imparted liis doubts to his sympathisers in the Cabal, which 
was then in power. With them he was breaking off the 
Uutcli alliance, and joining Louis XIV. as his pensionary m 
his war for the conquest of the Low Countries. Pursuing the 
policy of superseding the Duke of Ormonde here. Lord 
Berkeley of Stratton was sent as Lord Lieutenant in 1670, v 
anH^with him as secretary. Sir Ellis Leighton. They"~were~ . 
both supporters of royal prerogative, and inclined to favour 
the Catholics. The heads of the Corporation were all most 
loyal, and devoted to Ormonde, but many were opponents of 
arbitrary power, and still breathed the spirit of the Common- 
wealth ; the City Commons numbered many Roman 
Catholics. Of the twelve aldermen who had subscribed 
towards the Hospital Mark Quin, Sir Francis Brewster, Enoch y 
Reader, Richard Tighe, Daniel Hutchinson, Lewis Desmy- j 
nieres, and Sir Joshua Allen had been or were to be Lord ' 
Mayors and chairmen of our board, and Davys the Recorder 
was an original benefactor. About this time there had been 
some riotous meetings of the City x\ssembly, of which tlie 
new government now took advantage. 

By the Act of Explanation of the Act of Settlement the 
Lord Lieutenant in Council was empowered to make Rules 
with statutory efficacy for regulating all corporations, and 
the election of their officers and members, and in 1671 Ne w j 1^ 
Rules were accordingly published by Lord Berkeley. 5 As to 
him our Charter of the following year is addressed by the \[f^V'L 
King, his name is perpetually connected with our Hospital, 
and gives us some interest in his career. 

Pepys tells how he dined with him and Leighton in 1663, 
and " there was admirable good discourse of all kinds, 

•^ 'J'hese Rules are printed in Gilljert's Calendar ^ 5-548. 



pleasant and serious. "6 Berkeley was somewhat of a swash- 
buckler, and would boast that he had fought more set fields 
than any man in England, and this was true enough, for he 
had great merit withal, and was one of the most slashing 
cavaliers in the Civil War. 7 He had fought the Scots in the 
Covenanter Campaign of 1639, and was knighted at Berwick 
by Charles I. After the war broke out in England he had a 
command in the west, where he defeated Cromwell, and won, 
he said, five pitched battles, overran Devon and part of 
Somerset, taking Exeter and Taunton, but after Naseby his 
career of victory ceased and he was obliged to surrender 
Exeter to Fairfax in April, 1646, departing, however, with 
the honours of war. He was one of the counsellors of poor 
Charles when he made his tragic visit to the Isle of Wight, 
for in his vanity he believed he could win over the Parlia- 
mentary generals. During Cromwell's regime he served 
under Turenne in the Low Countries, fighting Conde and the 
Spaniards. Then he rejoined the exiled Royal Family in 
Holland, was made Controller of James's household and was 
ennobled at Brussels in 1658, as Baron Berkeley, of Stratton, 
which was one of the chief scenes of his victories in Cornwall. 
j,.^ On the Restoration he was m.ade Lord President of Connaught, 
an office he held for life, master of the Ordnance, and a Com- 
missioner of Tangier. His repute in London was that he had 
all along been a fortunate man, though a passionate and weak 
one in policy, and Lord Clarendon, whilst admitting his 
military merit, exposes his vacuity, want of tact, and 
ignorance of human nature. Pepys^ tells how his friend 
W^ren told him of how Berkeley controlled the household of 
James. Duke J amies had a perquisite of the Wine licences ; 
these were farmed out at a high rent, but Berkeley found he 
could get a higher, and then perpetrated a job flagrant even 
in those days. The lessees surrendered for a fixed annual 
payment of £1,500, and the licences were re-let to the higher 
bidder, but the private arrangement was that the lessees 
were to have only /800 a year of the ;{i,5oo, Berkeley taking 
/700 for himself. He came here with strong leanings to the 

^ Diary 2, p. 141. '^ lb., 345. ^ lb., 4-175. 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 51 

Catholics ; he caused a scandal by lending the Castle i 
plate to the Roman Catholic Archbishop Peter, for a 1^ 
religious function, and he told that prelate he hoped himself 
to see High IMass in Christ Church. He built in the sixties a 
magnificent palace in Piccadilly, where Devonshire House 
now stands, at a cost of £20,000, with glorious gardens behind. 
How much of this cam.e from the revenues of Connaught and 
the wine licences ? It was close by the still more splendid 
palace of Lord Clarendon. Both had tragic ends. Evelyn 9 
deplores how in 1684 Clarendon's was demolished, and how 
at Lady Berkeley's request he himself laid out sweet Berkeley 
gardens for streets where Berkeley Square is now. The 
house was reserved. Princess Anne lived there when William 
w^as King, but it went away in fire in 1733. After his return 
to England he was sent ambassador to France to negotiate 
the treaty of Nimeguen. He died in 1678 ; his three sons 
succeeded to his title, but the peerage became extinct in the 
third generation. 

Lcighton, the son of a Scotch divine, once pilloried for 
malignancy towards the Crown and the bishops, was brother 
of the saintly Archbishop Leighton of Glasgow' ; he was not 
a saint himself, rather a scampish courtier of the Sedley type, 
though with a Scotsman's eye to the main chance. Sir Ellis 
had begun his career as a soldier, but in the exile, became 
secretary to the Duke of York in Holland, and was knighted 
there. His real Christian name was the old testam.ent Elias 
or Elisha, which he softened to the more mundane Ellis 
when a man of fashion. After the Restoration he w'as made 
secretary to the Duke of York, and to the Prize Office in 
connection with the Admiralty, got himself called to the Bar, 
made a doctor of laws, and practised in the court of Ad- 
miralty. In a note to Evelyn's Diary he is said by one to be 
" a mad freaking fellow," by another, " one for a speech of 
fortv words the wittiest man that ever he kne\\', and one of 
the Dest companions at a meal in the world." He was 
counsel for Pepys, as Secretary to the Navy, in an Admiralty 
cause in 1667, and made, Samuel says, 10 a very silly m.otion 

' Diary, 2-197. ^"^ Diary, 27th March, 1667. 


on our behalf which did neither hurt nor good ; but in the 
Castle Tavern by Exeter Honse that day, ' 1 find him a 
wonderful witty ready man, for sudden answers and little 
tales and sayings, very extraordinary witty.' " He was 
certainly vcr}' versatile. Evelyn^ i in 1663 goes to see Sir Ehas 
Leighton's project of a cart with iron wheels, and Pepys also 
tells how he saw^ at Lord Berkeley's new house the new 
experiment of a cart with little wheels in the axle tree to 
make it go with half the ease. He also was said to favour the 
Roman Catholics, probably from his connection with the 
Duke of York. He came here seemingly with the intent, 
attributed by Dr. Johnson to Scottisli immigrants, of 
living on the natives without animo revert endi to his native 

So, riots having occurred in our Corporation, " Lord 
f Berkeley's Rules '" were issued to curb the Commons. 
^ These ordained that all Assemblies should be held with due 
'■ respect to the Lord Mayor and x\ldermen without clamour, 
disturbance, or contention. The Lord Mayor, Recorder, 
Sheriffs, Town Clerk, and Auditors were to be elected by the 
Lord Mayor and Aldermen only, subject to the approval of 
the Government. Nothing was to be debated save on a 
petition previously submitted to the Aldermen. All 
members, including the Commons, v/ere to take the Oath of 
Supremiacy, and the famous Oath of Non-resistance, then 
devised by the Cabal, declaring abhorrence upon any pre- 
tence whatever of taking arms against tlie King or those 
commissioned by him. The sanction of the Rules was dis- 
franchisemerit of any who disobeyed them. 

The Rules of course increased the popular commotion. 
A cry was raised that they were passed to enable Davys the 
Recorder to get a lease from the Corporation of the city water 
rates and to exploit these in his own interest. Perhaps there 
was some truth in the cry. With the Recordership Davys held 
the lucrative office of Clerk of the Tholsel, equivalent to Town 
Clerk, bur lie was a magnate, son-in-law of /\rchbishop 
Michael Boyle, who, as Lord Chancellor, then dominated the 

1^ Diary, 17th September, 1663, 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 53 

Privy Council. Sir Ellis Leigliton utilized the opposition ; 
he got at Sir John Tottie, the Lord Mayor, and a little plan 
was formed by which Sir Ellis was to be Recorder, and Sir 
John Clerk of the Tholsel, vice Davys cashiered. So in April, , . 
1672, an Assembly was held, afterwards decided to be wholly 
illegal. There were only four Aldermen with the Lord ]\Ia3'or; 
on a petition of some of the Commons Davys and eight 
Aldermen were charged with crimes and misdemeanours ; 
they were not summoned to make defence, they were not 
heard, no proofs were adduced, but they were all expelled. 
Sir Wm. D avys, o ur subscribing governors IMark Quin and ' 
Sir Francis Brewster, Tighe, Hutchinson, Reader, Desmy- -< 
nieres, and Sir Joshua Allen were, in modern phrase, fired 
out of the Corporation, though they had loyally accepted 
Lord Berkeley's Rules. Sir Ellis was proclaimed Recorder, 
and Tottie clerk of the Tholsel. 

But if any of the Corporation thought Leighton was their 
tribune they reckoned without their host. On 4 April he miade 
a charming inaugural speech to the Corporation,^- he told them 
that he, as their good Recorder, would be their good 
counsellor, and then that corporations are the creatures of 
the monarchy, bound to depend upon and to uphold it ; that 
the aldermen were the creatures of the Corporation, an 
abstract of the wdsest and wealthiest amongst them, whose 
duty it was to ease the Commons of the burthen and dis- 
turbance of numerous assemblies, but especially it ^vas their 
duty to depend upon the King, to have no politic maxims 
of their own, no headiness or restiness but leave all affairs 
of State to the piet}- and i)nidcnc(' of the prince. The ejected 
members he jauntily alluded to as a few who affected an 
ol igarchy, and linking to themselves factio ns, bred in the 
Commons an unnatural stiffness, c ontrary to the temper 
they should show to his least intimation of the King's 

"^ut Davys and his father-in-law, Boyle, to say nothing 
of our aldermen governors, were not the men to submit to 
all this. Mandamuses were at once applied for in the King's 

1- Gilbert's Calendar, 5-558. 


Bench, and petitions to King Charles were addressed by the 
evicted officers and backed in London by Ashley, Lord 
Shaftesbury, who had now become arch champion of the 
Protestant interests. The result was that Lord Berkeley's 
Viceroyalt}' ceased in May, 1672, and Arthur Capel, Earl of 
Essex^succeeded, not, however, coming over here till August. 
To him and his Council the King in Council in London re- 
ferred the petitions, with a counter-petition of the newly 
constituted Corporation. 

The cause came on before the Privy Council here on 11 
September. There was a strong board of fourteen members, 
including Primate Margetson, Archbishop Boyle Lord 
Chancellor, the Earl of Arran, and several otlier peers, Jones, 
Bishop of Meath, and Sir John B^'sse, Chief Baron, ci-devant 
Recorder. Little chance for Leighton in such a court. At 
the first hearing the new Corporation were silent, but they 
then petitioned to have counsel assigned, and to be allowed to 
prove that the evicting Assembly was a lawful one, and that 
the evicted had been expelled for just cause. Six counsel 
were accordmgly assigned them, Sir Nicholas Plunkett, who 
had been a chief of the Confederates in the Civil Wars of the 
forties, was their leading counsel. The case was resumed in 
the Privy Council on 18 September, fromi nine o'clock to two, 
and on the 20th from nine to six, when the Council unani- 
moush^ decreed that the expulsions were illegal, that Davys 
and our seven other founders should be restored, and the 
intruders expelled in turn, and that all their acts should be 
expunged from the city records. The costs of the evicted 
tenants were to be paid by the City Treasurer, in which office, 
Enoch Reader was now reinstated. He had been forced to 
give up the keys on pain of breaking open the doors of the 
Treasury. The election of Tottie to the Mayoralty for the 
second year was annulled, and Alderman Dee}^ appointed for 

Leighton now disappears from our scene. The scars of 
this warfare are still apparent in our city records, for two 
parchments were removed from the Assembly Rolls under 
the expimging order of the Privy Council, though this was 

TEMP. CHARLES II.. 1668-1675 55 

disobeyed for two years, and there is a gap of twelve months 
in the annals now. 

Berkeley's successor, Arthur Capel, first Earl of Essex 
of that famih', remained Lord Lieutenant to 1677. In 
September, 1 672, he issued New Rules superseding Berkeley's. 
These proved of lasting historical moment in the cit}^ for 
more than a century, notably when James II. was King, and 
in the agitations of Charles Lucas. They are printed in the 
Public Statutes, appended to the Act of Explanation. They 
are very accurateh^ framed and are known to have been 
drawn by Chief Baron Bysse. B}^ them the C omm on 
Council was to consist of twenty-four aldermen, sitting 
apart, eight being a quorum, the Commons were to sit in 
a separate room, the sheriffs presiding, forty-eight being 
sheriffs' peers, and ninety-six members chosen triennially 
by the city guilds. All members were to take the Oatjis of ' 
Allegi ance, Supremac y, and Non-resistance, but the 
restrictions of debate to subjects sanctioned by the 
aldermen contained in Berkeley's Rules is not repeated. 
The election of Lord Mayor, Recorder, Sheriffs, and 
Town Clerk are made subject to the approval of the 
Lord Lieutenant and Privy Council, which if not accorded 
within ten days of presentation a new election must 
be held, and so from time to time. The (hoice of 
Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Treasurer, was vested in the 
aldermen alone. But on the side .of liberality the Oath of ? 
Sti pron acy coidd he dispensed with by the Viceroy, and all I 
resident traders and artificers, irrespective of creed, and even , "^ 
if foreigners and aliens, were to be admitted to the freedom 
o f the city on payment of twenty shillings and taking the 
Oath of Allegiance alone. The rumiblings of this civic earth- 
quake muttered on for a good while and angered Lord Essex 
much. His Rules were denounced from many quarters, by 
the great jurist, Dudley Loftus, as unconstitutional, by the 1 
strong Protestants, because allowing dispensations from the 
Oath of Supremacy to be given by the ViceroV fo some Catholics, 
by Presbyterians of the Covenant, as contauiing the doctrine 
of passive obedience. Then some of the Guilds presented a 


gold chain to Sir John Tottie for his pams in supporting the 
privileges of the city, and two of the Leighton corporators, 
though expelled, had silver cups cast with the inscriptions : — 
" Made in the year when Philpot and Gressingham were 
aldermen." Then the Privy Council Order to erase the 
mutinous records of 1672 long remained unexecuted, for 
Tottie, who seems to have been a general favourite, was 
reinstated in the clerkship of theTholsel, and as such refused 
to expunge them. Lord Essex, in 1674-75, writes to Sir Henry 
Coventry, now principal secretary of State, and to Lord 
Arlington, his predecessor, who was now the King's 
ChamDerlain, comiplaining of Philpot, the haberdasher, as 
one of the ringleaders of mutin}/, and that his silver cups 
were being constantly used in the feasts of the city. Of 
Tottie he speaks " as a person of as much disloyalty as any 
about in this city, which he has brought into a mutinous 
temper." He bitterh^ describes how, when in obedience to a 
second order of the Privy Council to erase the illegal records 
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were ready to comply, the 
Commons had refused, and when the third order menacing 
penalties came, and the aldermen proceeded to obey, the 
Commons tumultuously broke up the Assembly. Lord 
Essex advises the council that there will be no peace till the 
chief incendiaries smart for it, and that it will be necessary 
for the Crown to revoke the City Charters. This threat 
brought the opposition to their senses, and the cancellation 
was effected at last in 1675. 

There were certainly counter currents at work in the 
movement, and it is not quite clear how far old political 
aninms had inspired the expulsion of tliese eiglitjounders. 
Five of themjiad indeed been members of the Corporation of the 
Commonwealth, but Sir Wm. Davys had been made Recorder 
on the Restoration, and Sir Francis Brewster and Sir Joshua 
Allen had become aldermen afterwards, but two of the other 
five at least had been Cromwelhan notables. Richard Tighe 
was Mayor in 165 1, and was succeeded next year by Daniel 
Hutchinson. Tighe and Hutchinson were summoned to 
represent Dublin in Oliver's two parliaments of 1654 and 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 57 

1656. When Henry Cromwell came to Dublin Castle as 
Lord Lieutenant, he, in 1659, formed two regiments in the city, 
in view of a suspected Royalist uprising ; they were of ten 
and nine companies respectively, with the Mayor for the time 
being Commander-in-Chief. Tighe was named Colonel of one, 
and Hutchinson Captain of the Horse,with po\\< i- to nominate 
his own officers, but with these they joined in the celebration 
of the King's coronation on Oxmantown Green. Enoc h 
Reader, another of The Evicted Eight, \\?iS a Captain in one of 
tlu' rcuimimts. Rich ard Tighe acquired large estates, and is 
ancestor of the eminent families of Woodstock, Kilkenn}', 
and Rossana, Wicklow , and a large progeny of distinguished 
people, amongst whom we may include INIar}' Tighe, the 
graceful poetess of Psyche. John Preston also had been 
Mayor in 1653 in the Cromwell regnne. He, too, acquired 
l ar^e estates in Me ath and"^ueen's County, and was ancestor 
of the Prestons of Ballinter, of whom his namesake, John, 
was created Lord Tara in 1800, on the Union. John Preston's 
name is memorable in the Blue Coat still. He granted 
to the Hospital a charge on his Queen's County estate, 
originally yielding to the School ^^20 a year, but which 
more than a century after brought upwards of twenty-fold 
more, in a startling litigation to be noticed in due course. '3 
And his original allotment in Oxmantown Green, which he 
bestowed at once on the Hospital, is still amongst our endow- 
ments. It adjoins the site of the present school. Hutchinson 
al so made a fortune purchasing from a Cromwcllian 
adventurer, and afterwards obtaining a grant of lands in 
King's County and County Down under the Act of vSettle- 
ment. He, however, left daughters only, and his name 
cannot now be further traced. He was member for Oueen's 
County in the Irish Parliament of the Restoration from 
1661-1666. He bequeathed £300 to the Hospital by will. 
Lewis Desmynieres, another of the eight, was a Dutchman, 
and had with his brother John been in the Corpora tion of 
the Commonwealth, John serving as Sheriff in 1654, but 
Lewis, with the Westenras, also Dutch merchants, were 

1^ Infra, Final Chapter. 


naturalized b}^ Act of Parliament in 1662, John became Lord 
Mayor in 1666, and Lewis in 1670. He did not make a fortune, 
for we find him a few years after a supplicant for aid from 
the city. 

Sir Joshua Allen was one of the most distinguished citizens 
of th^~period.M His father, an eminent Master Builder, 
favoured by Strafford, was of Dutch origin. He left a good 
estate, which, in his son's hands, became a large fortune, 
and ithus he was the founder of a noble family, which, in the 
fem^ale line, is still represented by the Earl of "of Carysfort. 
He acquired the great property which his son, Colonel Allen, 
enlarged into the finest demesne in the County Dublin, 
reaching from Foxrock and Carrickmines to Blackrock and 
the sea, part of which has been known in our times as 
Stillorgan Park. Sir Joshua remained for many years a 
useful governor of the Blue Coat ; he was a strong adherent 
of the Protestant interest, to which he probably, though a 
royalist, owed his expulsion by Leighton, and to this was 
certainly due his flight from Dublin in the acme of the 
Tyrconnell regime in 1688, when he retired to his wife's 
family in Chester. Here he joined William III. in the 
embarkment of whose army to Ireland, he took a prominent 
part, and returning home after the Battle of the Boyne, he 
was, at once, nominated High Sheriff of Dublin by William, 
though he does not seem to have actually taken office, for 
he was in ill-health and died in the next year. His son, 
Colonel John, who was M.P. for Dublin, and for Wicklow, 
was created Baron of Stillorgan and Viscount Allen, to be 
followed by live of the family in succession till the peerage 
became extinct with the sixth Viscount, Joshua William, 
Colonel in the Guards, who fought at Waterloo, and died 
unmarried. But the sister and co-heiress of the third 
Viscount, who was M.P. for Carysfort, married in 1750 Sir 
John Proby, to whom she brought a large share of the 
Stillorgan and Blackrock and Wicklow estates, and he, in 
1792, became first Lord Carysfort. Joshua, the second 

^* See a very interesting account of the Aliens in F. EIrington Ball's 
History of the County Dublin, Vol. I., 120. 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 59 

Viscount, is the Troilus of Swift's Lampoons. Thev had 
been friends, but when, grateful for the Dean's fierce fight for 
Irish Manufactures, the city presented him with the freedom 
of the city in a gold box, Lord Allen, who belonged to the 
alarmed court party, violently assailed him as a Jacobite 
in the House of Lords, and so aroused the wrath of the past 
master in ridicule and invective, who could never endure 
any criticism of himself. The last Viscount was a " character," 
and a hero of clubs, in which he was known as King Allen. 
He had lost the remnant of the Dublin estates and became 
insolvent. A sketch of him in Burke's Romance of the 
Aristocracy, tells how having raised a loud laugh in his club 
by a sharp joke on a brother member, a banker, the latter 
next day retaliated with a once famous repartee. Address- 
ing Allen amid a large audience, he said : — " Why, Allen, 
I find you are only half a king." " How is that," said the 
Viscount, angrily. " Because I have heard you have just 
compounded with your creditors for ten shillings in the 
pound, so you are only Half a Sovereign." This was the 
end of the Aliens. 

Mark__2iuin, to whom Ossory wrote the initial letter, and 
to whom he entrusted the primal donation which he followed 
himself with £100, and a perpetual annuity of £5, personally 
organised the work in i65q. He did not live to see it com- 
pleted, he died in 1674, but he must be held a primary 
founder, and claims an obituary notice here, especially as 
his memory has been unjustly consigned to a grim im- 
mortality by Swift in one of his most savage pasquinades. 
The Dean had himself no grudge against him, but used his 
tragic fate as a weapon to wound his arch-enemy, Quin's 
grandson, Chief Justice Wliitshed, on his principle that any 
stick was good enough to beat a dog. He was in truth one of 
the worthiest citizens of his day ; chosen alderman in 1654, 
Lord Mayor in 1667, and Treasurer in 1668, he was in the 
Corporation thirty-two years, to his death. He lived in the 
High Street, opposite St. Michael's Church, the site of the 
Synod Hall, and was its chief parishioner ; the church plate 
was kept in liis house for safe custodv ; a successful merchant. 


he left an estate of £1,000 a year, a large fortune ni those 
times, but his domestic felicity was not in proportion. Mrs. 
Ouin was fair but frail. The alderman, maddened with 
jealous}^, and rushing from his house one morning at ten 
o'clock, bought a new razor and, witlidrawing into Christ 
Church Cathedral, cut his own throat in St. Mary's chapel. 
His fortune passed to his son James, who was a graduate of 
Trinity College. This son became a member of the Bar in 
England, where he married a presumed widow, a lady whose 
husband had been absent and unheard of for many years. 
In 1693 she bore James Quin an only son, also James, but 
shortly afterwards the supposed dead husband reappeared, 
and, unlike poor Enoch Arden, re-entered and reclaimed 
his Penelope, thus illegitimatising her son, young Ouin. 
Old Mark's next heirs were the Whitshed family5 the children 
of his daughter. They appealed to the law, taking advantage 
of the illegitimacy, for they were a famnly of lawyers, and 
succeeded to the Alderman's estate. In 1720, Sir William. 
Whitshed, Mark Quin's eldest grandson, was Lord Chief 
Justice of the Irish King's Bench. In that year Swift, in 
fury at the English policy which, having prohibited the 
export of Irish woollen goods, went on to prohibit the Irish 
from even weaving woollens for themselves, emerged as a 
patriot giant in the land of his adoption. He hurled forth 
his proposal for the universal use of Irish manufactures, in 
which he suggests that Ireland would never be happy till a 
law were made for burning everything that came from 
England, except her people and her coal. Prospero had 
raised the storm ; the Government took alarm ; the printer 
was prosecuted. Swift writes to Pope that one in high office 
had personally gone to the Chief Justice and asked that the 
prosecution might be pressed with the utmost rigour of the 
law. And so it was : the Chief presided, but the wliole 
country was with the printer and Dean. The jury returned 
a verdict of not guilty. The Chief Justice raged ; he sent 
the jury back nine times and kept them twelve hours till he 
tired them into giving him a special verdict to be argued 
in bank. Swift tells Pope that the judge had put his hands 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 61 

to his breast and solemnly avowed to the Protesant jury 
that the printer's design was to bring in the Pretender. 
The case never came on for argument. Piibhc opinion in 
Ireland was all one way, and, the Duke of Grafton succeeding 
as Lord Lieutenant, the Government entered a Nolle 
Prosequi. The Dean's second duel with the judge was 
shortly after, when Harding, Swift's printer, was prosecuted 
for the Fourth D rapier Letter. Swift circulared the Grand 
Jury in his own style the night before the trial. They 
ignored the bill next day, despite the vehemence of the 
thwarted judge, who discharged the Grand Jury, again hi a 
rage. The lawyers of the day regarded this as unconstitutional. 
Through both these contests the Dean assailed the judge 
With all his matchless prowess of logic and lampoon, rapier 
and bludgeon, shafts, feathered with fun and poisoned with 
rancour, till he is supposed to have driven him to a pre- 
mature grave. He raked up the buried griefs of Mark Ouin, 
which would have touched his better nature in themselves, 
to smite his grandson. 
Witness this Trilogy. 

Tlie judge speaks : — 


1 hate the Church, ami with good reason. 
For there my grandsire cut his vveason : 
He cut his weason at the altar, 
I keep my gullet for the halter. 

The T)ean speaks : — 


In Church your grandsire cut his throat, 

To do the job too long he tarried. 
He should have had my hearty vote, 

To cut his throat before he married. 

The judge speaks : — 


I'm not the grandson of that ass, Quin, 

Nor can you prove it, Mistrc Pasquin, 

My grand dame had gallants by twentie's, 

And bore my mother by a prentice. 

This when my grandsire knew, they tell us he 

In Christcliurch cut his throat for jealousy. 

And since the Alderman was mad, you see. 

Then I must be so too, Ex traduce. 


Swift's editors curiously have not identified his ass, Quin, 
with our worthy Founder, In vindicating his memory now, 
we may recall that that other grandson, the illegimatised 
young James Quin, lived to be the greatest actor and wit 
of his day. Intended for the Bar in Dubhn, when he was 
disinherited he went on the stage. His jokes set London 
tables in a roar for a generation, and he was one of the 
greatest Falstaffs that ever trod Drury Lane ; a fine figure 
of a man ; a great elocutionist ; he lived to hear George the 
Third's first King's Speech, and the old man cried " I taught 
the boy to speak." He was sometimes coarse and over- 
bearing, but he is a creditor of Literature, for he once 
redeemed Thomson of the Seasons from a debtor's prison, 
paying the debt in honour of the Poet, for personally he 
didn't know him. And as to the grandson, Whitshed, it is 
fair to remind that even Swift acknowledges that, politics 
apart, he was a fine judge. His memorial was the last 
which remained m old St. Michael's when the church was 
taken down thirty-five years ago to build the Synod Hall ; 
a slab, v/ith a Latin inscription that any judge might be 
proud of, telhng how, as Chief Justice, first of the King's 
Bench, and then of the Common Pleas, he was " Judex 
indefessus perspicax iiicorriiptns, who so bore himself as a 
man, who both believes there will be a Supreme Judge 
and hopes it." 

The civic shock may now read as a temtpest in a teacup, 
yet it w^as, as we have said, the vibration of one that shook 
the crown and ministry and parliament of England in 1672- 
75 on the doctrine of passive obedience, the prerogative of 
the dispensing power, and the Test Act. The Oath of Non- 
resistance imposed by both tlie Berkeley and the Essex 
rules, agitated the House of Lords with one of its most 
memorable debates, that lasted lor seventeen days in 1674, 
seeming to involve the fate even of the dynasty. It gave 
occasion to Shaftesbury's famous Letter from a Person of 
Quality to a Friend in the Country, to escape prosecution 
for which were called out all his consummate arts in keeping 
up the agitation. This oath was framed by the great Lord 

TEMP. CHARLES IT., 1668-1675 03 

Clarendon in the first loyal outbursts of the Restoration, 
but that heat was cooling, under the intrigues of Charles 
and his Cabal, not only in England, but here too-^"? 

But before BerkcUv left us the Charter had been drawn 
by Davys, and read before Charles mXouncil, and to the 
Lord Lieutenant came a royal letter, dated at Whitehall, 
24 Oct. ,1671,16 directing him to cause Letters Patent, under the 
Great Seal of Ireland, to pass conveying to the Mayor, Sheriffs, 
Commons and Citizens of Dublin, the parcel in Oxmantown 
Green on which the Hospital and Free School is already 
begun, "to be held of us, our heirs and successors in common 
soccage as a mansion house and abode for^the relief of poor 
children, aged, maimed and impotent per)plr, ])v the 
grantees, who are to be incorporated as a body politique, 
by the name of ' The Governors of the Hospital and Free 
School of King Charles the Second, Dublin.' " The Letters 
Patent are to empower the Governors at their will and 
pleasure from time to time to place therein such master or 
masters and such num.bers of poor people and children and 
such officers and ministers of the Hospital and Free School, as 
likewise an able, learned, pious and orthodox minister, to" 
be approved by the Archbishop of Dublin for the time being, 
who shall read Divine service and preach and teach the 
word of God to such as shall reside, and catechise such of 
the children as shall be in the school. The Governors are 
enabled to hold lands to the value of £6,000, notwithstanding 
the statutes of mortmain, and to make leases of buildings 
for 41 and of lands for 21 ^-ears, and the letters are to contam 
such clauses and privileges "as in the Charters granted by 
our Royal Predecessor, King Edward Sixth to Ihe Mayor 
and Com.monalty of London for the erection of Christ's 
Hospital and Saint Thomas, his Hospital and Bridewell." 

This was followed by our Charter. It is dated the 3rd 

r~^ 15 The materials of this chapter have been mainly found in Gilbert's 
Calendar of City Records and his preface to Vol. V. The Journal of the 
Hospital, the Diaries of Evelyn and Pcpys, and the Dictionary of National 
Biography. There is a confusion in both the Diaries, made more con- 
founded by the indexes between Lord Berkeley of Stratton, and Lord 
Berkeley of the great Berkley Castle family. 

16 Pat. Roll Chane., 23, Cor. 2., pt. i. (f. m. 25.) 


December, 1671, and slightly amplilies the royal letter. It 
is in effectual force to-day, and is set forth in full in our 
appendix.! 7 The original is now in the Public Record Ofhce; 
engrossed in old English text on a parchment roll, two feet 
square, it is illuminated in gold and tinctures, the Royal 
Arms with the harp in the third quarter, separated from the 
supporting lion and unicorn by roses and thistles, tulips 
and carnations, which surmount the text. The great initial 
C of the King's name encloses a good portrait of his Majesty 
in ponderous periwig. In the left margin are the city arms 
Dlazoned in azure, with an unblazoned oval below, probably 
left for our seal when chosen. On the m.argin of the second 
skin, a lady under a canopy leads a naked boy and bears a 
naked baby at her breast — though presumably a distressed 
' widow, she is clothed like the King's daughter in a red petticoat 
, and a green gown, and some might think the group more 
I disreputable than pathetic, yet, it has been the cognizance 
of our seal ever since. The instrument, however, is a very 
interesting sample of the Royal Charters of the day. The 
Great Seal of Ireland is attached, a waxen circle of five 
inches. This is of the pattern used by the P^nglish Kings 
from the very early times. On the obverse the King in 
armour gallops on a caparisoned steed with a greyhound 
beneath. On the reverse he is enthroned under a canopy, 
the harp and crown are on both faces, tlie legend round each 
circumference : — Carolns II., Fidci Defensor Dei gratia 
Magncs Britannicu FrancicB HiberriKS Rex. The Charter 
bears leste " 3rd day of December, in the three and twentieth 
year of our Reign," and is simply signed Domville. Sir 
William Domville was then the distinguished Attorney- 
General, an office he held for twenty-eight years, and a Privy 
Councillor, and is the progenitor of the eminent family of 
Santry and Loughlinstown, but it is more likely that our 
signatory was one of his two sons, who then jointly were 
patentees of the clerkship of the Crown and Hanaper, for 
though Sir William was a very worthy public servant and 
general favourite, he knew how to take care of himself ; by 

17 Appendix. 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 65 

grants in reversion this clerkship of the Ciown and Hanaper 
remained with his descendants for one hundred years.'? But 
traffic in offices did not shock much in these good old times. 
Meanwhile, peace being restored, our founders resumed 
activity. In Oct., 1673, a g rand co mmittee of "Sub- 
Governors and Trustees" was named, consisting of 117 
members : — Sir Joshua Allen, Lord Mayor, and Davys, 
Recorder, all the aldermen, both jSheriffs, forty-six Sheriffs' 
Peers, the f orty-four Masters of the Cit y Guilds, and the 
twenty Churchwardens of the eleven City parishes. Their 
names appear in the first entries of our first Minute Book, 
and include Tottie, and Philpot and Gressingham of the 
silver cups. This appointment of Governors is noteworthy, 
for it was an act of the whole Corporation, and from it arose 
the usage of co-opting from outside the Corporation, which 
we shall see was afterwards challenged bv Charles Lucas 
and others as illegal. They are empowered by the City 
Assembly of Christmas, 1673, to address the King and the 
Lord Lieutenant as they deem fit for benevolence to forward 
the good work. By the end of 1672 £4,000 had been sub- 
scribed, the second list including £100 from Lord Berlcele^^ : 
£60 from Primate Margetson ; /.50 each from Archbishop 
Boyle, Chief Baron Bysse, and Sir Ed. Smith, late Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas ; /20 each from Sir John 
Temple, Master of the Rolls, Sir Robt. Booth, Chief of the 
King's Bench, and Capt. James Stopford, son of the ancestor 
of the Earl of Courtown. The City gifts comprise /150 from 
Sir Francis Brewster ; £75 from Sir Joshua Allen ; £108 
from Mr. Williams. Brewer, and /50 from Aldermen Tighe 
and Hutchinson, and the Farmers of the City revenues. 
The first business before our Grand Committee was Wetten- 
hall's petition and the Free School, but, as we have seen, they 
could do little for him pending the building of the School, 
for they were in straits tliemselves — they had expended their 
subscriptions already. Early in 1674 the Hospital was 
nearing completion, but money was wanting to finish it, 
and as it was planned for three hundred and fifty residents, 

^'' See Libey Miinernm. 




how was it to be filled, and how, when filled, was it to be 
maintained ? They fonnd that for annual revenue they 
had only the headrents of Oxmantown and St. Stephen's 
Green, /170 a year, and £114 of secured annual subscriptions, 
they had, no doubt, six of the lots in St. Stephen's Green, 
and three in Oxmantown, granted to them in fee-simple 
by the allottees, but all still waste, and of their rents and of 
the headrents, £850 was now in arrear. ^^450 of promised 
subscriptions were still unpaid, and nearly £600 was due to 
the builders. So the Committee appealed on a great scale 
in March, 1674. First they petitioned King Charles in 
person, reciting Lord Ossory's letter to the Corporation of 
1668, and the reply of the City, with the project of the 
Hospital ; they state the Privy Council had directed them 
to begin with all speed possible, promising to contribute 
their endeavours to so good a work ; that by the blessing 
of God the structure is now almost finished, capable of 
receiving three hundred and fifty persons at tlie least, with 
.a fair chapel, garden and walks walled about, with all school- 
rooms and offices requisite, at the expense of near £4,000 ; they 
remind the King of his own Letters Patent directing the 
Hospital and Free School to be called for ever by his own 
Royal name, and alleging the stately structure to be empty 
for want of a suita.ble revenue, tliey implore the Royal 
bounty for such maintenance as may enable the Hospital to 
continue to succeeding ages "as a monum.ent of your 
Majesty's undoubted piety and charity." 

But they did not trust to those well-known royal qualities 
alone. Th ey enclos ed the petition in a letter to one whom 
they heldin true trustful affection, thej)uke of Ormonde, then 
in the Court in London, asking him to procure its favourable 
admission with the King. They recall the Duke's constant 
favours to the city, and, reminding him that Lord Ossory had 
given the first encouragement to the erection of the Hospital, 
and thus assured them of his Grace's furtherance, they ask 
him now to crown the first beginnings of his noble son. 
They would remind his Majesty, " who takes the proper 
measures of this kingdom from your Grace's better prospect 

TEMP. CHARLES II., 166S-1675 67 

of them, how glorious to posterit}^ Kings of England have 
made themselves by hke foundations ; " and they pray him 
to refer their petition to the Lord Lieutenant in Council 
for a report from what b; inch of th.e public revenues a 
fitting maintenance may be stcur(^d for a work of so great 
cliarit}^ so greatTToiibur, and so public an use. "To wliom," 
concludes this letter, " can we humble ourselves but him 
who has so long and so well known Joseph." '8 

That pathetic allusion to Jo-^eph sounds rather mysterious. 
How were the Corporation like Joseph ? Was it that as a 
body they wore a coat of many colours which their brothers 
sometimes tore ? Ormonde and Ossory, however, seemx to 
have understood it, for in 1670, when conferring on Lord 
Ossory the freedom of the City, the Corporation wrote that 
his name would be second on the roll next to his illustrious 
father, who stood first, " your lordship being, in truth, the 
second edition of his Grace, whose services to the city during 
the calamities of rebellion and civil war had thus known, 
pitied, and relieved Joseph in all his miseries." 

This letter to the Duke, of March, 1674, referring to Lord 
Ossory, speaks of ' ' his preservation from those mighty dangers 
which his valour, so greatly celebrated, lately exposed him 
to and which we heartily congratulate. "^9 This refers to the 
great sea fight with the Dutch in 1673, when Ossory, lately 
made Rear Admiral of the Blue, was in com.mLaiid of the first- 
rate •' St. Michael." Admiral Sir E. Sprague, who, Commanded- 
in-Chief ,was killed and his ship disabled. Ossory defended her 
through the day, and brought her off safely at night, every 
man on his own quarter-deck being slain save himself, his 
page, and Capt. Narborough. For this he was made Rear- 
Admiral of the Red. 

If these alluring letters of the Corporation and one they 
addressed to Lord Lieutenant Essex also, did not bear 
much fruit in endowmenfs, they"" certainly had a royal 
reception. There was a Council at Whitehall, 8 i\Iay, 1674, 
at which our petition was presented. King Charles pre- 

^^ Gilbert's Calendar VI-, 497. 

^^ Historical Manuscripts G Rep., 719, Note b. 



sided in person. Beside him was his cousin, Prince 
Rupert, with the Chancellor Finch, Danby, Lord Treasurer 
Arlington, still Principal Secretary of State, the Dukes of 
Ormonde and Lauderdale, The Lord Privy Seal, the Earls 
of Ossory, Bridgewater, Northampton, Carlisle, Bath, 
Craven, Tweedale and Carbury, Viscounts Halifax and 
Faulconbergh, the Bishop of London, and Lords Mainard 
and Newport, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir H. 
Coventry, second Secretary of State, the Vice Chamberlain, 
Mr. Monta.gue, and the Speaker of the House of Commions. 
This Committee of twenty-six of the Lords of the Universe 
ordered Arlington to prepare a letter referring the petition 
of the Blue Coat to the Lord Lieutenant and Council in 
Ireland, who were to report what was fit for his Majesty to 
do in the matter. This letter was sent by Arlington on 
12 May. 

Essex in Council considered it on i June, when they 
appointed the Primate, the Archbishop, and Chancellor 
Boyle, Chief Justice Booth, Chief Baron Bysse, Jones, 
Bishop of Meath, Sir Thos. Stanley, and Sir Chas. Mere to 
consider fresh proposals of the Corporation for a mxainten- 
ance for the Hospital, and to report to the Council accor- 

So in July the Committee sent to Lord Essex a well 
thought out scheme, estimating /400 as necessary to comi- 
plete and furnish ; £600 to pay the builders, and for annual 
maintenance of three hundred and fifty inmates, an endow- 
ment of £2,795 a year. Forth e £1,000 cash the}^ proposed that 
an immediate grant should be made by the Treasury, and 
for the annual revenue a perpetual charge on the excise of 
ale, beer and strong waters, and the hearth money of the 
city, and they reiterate the claim given them by Lord 
Ossory's first letter and the Charter granted by the sovereign 

But pending these treaties they determined to open the 
Hospital, whether endowed or not. They were without 
funds, and knew that to fill it was out of the question, so 
resolving to begin with not more than eighty inmates, they 

TEMP. CHARLES II.. 1668-1675 69 

sent circulars to each of the eleven ]:)arishes, and each of the 
City Guilds, requesting each to furnish the names of three 
boys not under six yearS; and not sickly or maimed, and to 
provide three pounds ten yearly for maintenance of each 
child, promising that any benefactors securing this should 
have the status of First Founders and be so recorded. At 
the same time they posted the Exchange and all the City 
Gates with printed offers of leases of our six lots in the two 
Greens, and they sent out a strong deputation to perambu- 
late the City begging for bounty, and to remove all objections 
and doubts that might be made. Dr. Wettenhall having 
now becomiC a churcti dignitary, the Governors appointed 
as our first dc facto chaplain, the Reverend Fewis Prythirch, 
nominated by Archbishop Boyle at a salary of ten pounds 
a year with diet and lodging, iMr. Thomas Howard, as agent, 
at £20 yearly. Dr. Ralph Howard, as Physician, Mrs. 
Williams, Schoolmistress, to teach the children to read, £6 
a year with her keep, a steward, butler, messenger and 
porter, a governess, Mrs. Leech, an aged matron, to oversee 
the nurses and servants, two nurses, each with charge of 
thirty children, and " two drudges " to wash and scour, 
at the election of the Governors, who it is to be hoped 

This original staff reads modestly enough, so shortly 
after that court at Whitehall with the King in the chair 
and Prince Rupert, and the Dukes, and the Earls, and 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and great Ministers of State, 
but even Oxford and Eton had miodest beginnings. 

On 27 April it was reported to the Assembly that the 
chapel and ground over the water, commonly called the 
King's Hospital, was fitted and prepared for consecration, 
and thereupon a deed of donation was duly executed and 
ordered to be presented to his Grace, Michael Boyle, x\rch- 
bishop of Dublin. He was great-nephew of Richard the 
first, and called the great. Earl of Cork. He was raised to 
the Primacy in 1678. 

The Hospital occupied 170 feet in length, fronting the 
west side of the present Queen Street, covering the space 


from the present No. 69 and thence running north over most 
of the broad roadway of the present Blackhall Street, thence 
it stretched back with its gardens in a parallelogram 300 
feet in depth. It was built on the original lots 87 and 88 
Oxmantown (xreen, which had been reserved for a Free 
School in the original allotment, and No. 90, Sir William 
Davys' lot, wliicli he had made over as his subscription in 
i66q, and which is now part of the thoroughfare of Black- 
hall Street, but to these a large space from the Green had 
been added by the City for gardens and cartilage. There 
was a chapel at the south end with a single rounded window 
to the street and an infirmary on the north side, and between 
these ran the front facade, a long structure of two stories 
with six pigeon-house windows in the slanted roof of the 
upper one, three at each side of a wooden cupola surmount- 
ing the vestibule which projected across the narrow court- 
yard between the building and the street, from which it was 
fenced by a high wall with a good entrance gate in front of 
the vestibule and hall door. 

And so at last on 5 MAY, 1675, just twenty-three days less 
than six years from the turning of the first sod, our Hospital 
was opened, sixt}^ children being admitted, of whom three 
were girls. We append the table of the names of these, our 
First Pupils, with their nominators, thus helping to fulfil 
the promise that the benefactors should be chronicled as 
amongst our First Founders. 


TEMP. CHARLES II., 1668-1675 



Benefactoas" Names. 

Names of the Children 

Sr. ffra : Brewster, Kt., L.Ma. 

City of Dublin 

Trinity Guild of Merchts. 
Corporation of Cordwainers 
Corporation of Coopers 

Parish of St. Michan's 

St. Werburgh's Parish 
St. Michael's Parish 

St. John's Parish 

St. Kath. & St. Paul's 

St. Andrewe's Parish 

Mr. Giles Martin 

Dame Brewster 
Samll. Mollinous, Esq. 

Dame Jane Stanley 

f John Rames 
1^ John Goddin 

Barthol. Davis 

Wm. Am ill 
^ Charles Swetman 
[ George Orr 

/ David King 
\ Jeremy Woodall 
Bery. Edsol 

^ Wm. Williams 

i Peter Dillon 

f Charles Camponsky 
( Allex Williams 

James Saunders 

Robt. ffarr 
/ Robt. Shelton 
\ Wm. Stranger 

Robert Paton 
f Christr. ] 

-{ & [- Mortimer 
[ James J 

f Thomas Smith 

I Henry Chennel 

j Edward Williams 

1 Daniel Lee 

I Thomas Williams 

[ Joseph Gough 
Mary Archbould 
Richd. Kennedy 

' Edmond Brookes 
Jonath : WhitnoU 
Ambrose Johnson 
Markt Ellieton 


Benefactors Names. 

Names of the Children. 

Robt. Shapcote, Esq. 

James Rames 

Aid. Danl. Hutchinson 

f Thomas Sprinkle 
\ John Barker 

Aid. Enoch Reader ... 

/ John Bennett 
1^ Richard Carey 

Aid. Rich. Han way ... 

Thomas Banks 

Mrs. Mary Tighe 

\ John Toy 

( Thomas Burgis 

Mrs. Parry, wife of Dr. Ben. Parry 

Joseph Tunn 

Mr. Abel Ram 

John Hutchinson 

Mr. Richard Lord 

John Shorr 

Mr. Richard Young ... 

Christr. Harris 


Mr. John North 

Alexandr ffusland 

Mr. Thomas ffrancis ... 

Thomas Purtill 

Mr. Robt. Brady 

John Ogilvy 

Mr. Richd. Baker 

Osborne Kitteringham 

Mr. Piriam Poole 

John Cooper 

Mrs. Joyce Seile 

Anthony Gaghagan 

Sr. Joshua Allan 

Hugh Ward 

Aid. John Preston 

John Harris 

Ld. Bishop of Ossory... 

Thomas Hunt 

Sr John Torey, Knt. 

Henry ] 

Ld. Chief Justice of the King's 

' & \ ffoUiott 



Mr. George Warburton 

Charles Jenkins 

Mr. Wm. Bragg 

Grace Tunn 

Ld. Bp. of Ossory, his lady 

Mary Running 

Hewit, one of the boys 

John Hewett 

Walter Harris 

Michll ffennel 

L 73 ] 



When the School opened, the I<ord Mayor, Sir Francis 
Brewster,was our chairman. He had been one of the Evicted 
Eight. The work of the Governors in the earl}^ years was of 
immense difficulty. None of them were educationists — expert 
educationists were unknown then. Crippled as to means, 
with some seventy children in a great building, four of them 
little girls, most of them of tender years and more fitted for 
the care of nurses than of sclioolmasters, and yet including 
older boys, for in 1676 we find a boy admitted aged fifteen, 
classification, generally difficult, was then impossible. The 
essa}' of their 'prentice hands may merit a note. The Board, 
then consisting chiefly of business men, began by directing that 
the training should be industrial, and to fit the children for 
trades, so they were all to be taught the making of shoes, 
knitting stockings, and spinning, and materials for this end 
were procured a.ccordingly. The teaching of knitting was 
entrusted to the nurses, to whom the order hvmianely allows 
" a drudge " to ease their housemaids' duties. Six hours 
are allotted for handwork and four for lessons. This scheme, 
as m.ight be foretold, broke down in a few months ; the 
order was rescinded in October, the shoemaker and spinner 
were discharged, and the chaplain Prytherch directed to 
instruct, assisted by a female teacher. Then it was found 
that the number of Sub-Governors, being more than one 
hundred, as constituted b}- the Assembly in 1674, was quite 
unwieldy, and the Corporation were petitioned to modify 
the order, which they did in July, 1675, ^ and ordained 

^ Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 78. 


tliat henceforth the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen, and 
Sheriffs' Peers, wdth such other Sub-Governors as they might 
think fit, should constitute the Board. The quorum 
was to be seven, of whom the Lord Mayor and one Sheriff 
were to be always two. This clause v.-as more than once the 
cause of trouble and controversy in after years, for no lawful 
meeting could be held in the Lord Mayor's absence, as he 
was the necessary chairman so long as this order stood, but 
it had the salutary effect of idontifymg the School with 
the government of the city for a century and three-quarters 

But instead of committing instruction and the control 
of the house to the chaplain and headmaster Prytherch, 
allowing him to select the necessary staff, the Board limited 
his teaching functions, and themselves appointed the 
assistant masters, the officers, nurses, and servants, all at the 
wretched salaries and wages to which their o^^'n meagre 
income confined them ; but boards even now are apt to love 
patronage and to retain functions which they cannot 
adequately discharge. Thus James Rigby was appointed 
to teach writing and arithmetic to the whole school daily, 
attending from 7 to 11 a.m., and from i to 5 in the afternoon, 
at a salary of £^ a year " till the revenue of the Hospital be 
greater," along with his lodging and diet. He taught from 
the opening of the School for two whole years, so v;e can 
read without surprise the entry in 1677 that poor Rigby's 
post " is void by his confinement in the Blackdog," the 
diabolical debtors' prison by the old Newgate in High Street, 
whose horrors are detailed in Gilbert's History of Dublin. 
Thereupon Miles Bateman took his place on the same terms, 
but he only lasted five months, when we find him. " removed," 
and replaced by Robert Ingram in November— his tenure 
was even less than Bateman's. In ]\larch, 1678, he, too, is 
" removed," and John Carrington placed in his stead, who 
held on for eight months. It took more than a century since 
to teach us that teachers are not the menials of mankind. 
At last, in November, 1678, the Governors were fortunate 
to find an admirable master in English and Mathematics, 


who remained in the School for thirty-two years, and was 
largely instnimental in its snccessful development. This 
was James Mead. Similarly we find three successive 
stewards in the first three years. The Governors had 
separated this office from that of the agent, ]\Ioland, 
appointing John Tear at £12 a year, 3'et, they entrusted him 
first with all the supplies to the Hospital and tradesmen's 
accounts, and then, in addition, with complete control over 
the rhi'drt-T), who arc subjected to his moral discipline in all 
thmgs,so, in June^ 1677, we have an inquiry of the Governors, 
who ftnd that he has improvidently managed the trust 
reposed in him, and he is discharged. Allen, succeeding him 
on like conditions, holds on for less than a 3^ear, and then 
resigns, and in April, 1678, Wetherall is appointed, the 
Governors now seeing the expediency of giving him a salary 
of £16 witli maintenance in the house for himself and wife. 
Yet, though he continued for four years, there is " a full 
hearing " of tlie Governors in 1682, on divers matters laid 
to his charge, and he is found to be a person not fit to be any 
longer continued in the emiployment. Perhaps that wife 
had something to do with his downfall, for the dismxisaal 
order goes on to commiand that 3ilrs. Hollins, " and all 
other women in the Hospital that arc no way useful to the 
house have notice forthwith to depart." Eve caused 
Adam's eviction from Eden. 

An entry of July, 1675 . gives a glimpse of the quaint old city 
streets. Casting about for revenue everywliere, the Governors 
resorted to an "Act of Assembly of the year before, whicli 
empowered the Lord Mayor and Corporation to treat with 
the " encroachers," as they were called, who lined the streets 
and dowiTto the river with stalls, porches, stands and chairs, 
and stating that nothing had yet been done, they asked the 
Assem.bly to place these trespassers under rents, these to 
be applied for the first seven years to the School, and then 
to revert to the City estate.- And this was acceded to. 
These encroachments continued for tv.-o centuries more or 
less, and a few years since were made subjects of prosecution 

- Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 71, 76. 


before our City Magistrates. Booths and tents blocking 
the footwalks, fruit stalls obstructing carriage ways too. 
Most of these were swept away ; the orange women that sat 
round the semicircle fronting Trinity College, and at each 
side of Carlisle or O'Connell Bridge, survived to late in the 
Victorian age, till trampled out by the march of a ruthless 
civilization ; yet, our entry shows some colour of a legal origin 
which might have saved some if our entry ha,d been made 
known to the justices who suppressed themi. 

Whilst awaiting aid from the Crown, the City resorted 
to another device, which would sound strangely in the King's 
Bench to-day.3 A former Act of Assembly had imposed a 
tax upon all brewers and other owners of drays and carts 
having iron bound wheels, of ten shillings per cart, to be 
paid towards repair of the city pavements, but at the 
Tanuar}' Assembly, 1676, they ordered " as a great help to 
the Kmg's Hospital," that in lieu of this tax every such 
I brewer and owner should deliver to the Steward of the 
Hospital, " a barrell of table beer for each carre, and two 
barrells for each dray, yearh^." What w^ould the auditor and 
the temperance associations think of this ? 

Three months a.fter the School opened, William Smith 
became Lord Mayor, and our chairman for 1675-6. He was 
an original Founder and favourite Governor for nine years. 
He was the Wliittington of Dublin, and his unique career, 
during which he was Chief Magistrate in eight several years, 
casts a strange, yet vivid sidehght on our City in the agony 
of the Civil Wars. 

The Whittington of Dublin. 

Shortly since, our present estimable Chaplain and Head- 
master, Rev Mr. Richards, exploring a stratum of forgotten 
records, came on a slab below, seemingly of stone, grey and 
oxidised, 18 inches by 12, but the weight of which, when 
handled, proved it to be of metal, and the face, when 

^ Minute Book, Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 94. 


burnished, disclosed a fine brass thus inscribed, clear as when 
it left the hand of the graver : 

Neere this Place 
WAS Buried the Body 
OF William Smith, Esq., an 
Alderman of the City of 
Dublin In Ireland and who 
was Seven Severall 
ye ARES Mayor (and Lord Mayor the yeare 1675) of that city 
He Died the 31ST 
Day of October 
Anno Domini 1684 

Aetat su^ 82. 
25 OF July 1684. 

This Brass was presumably taken from the wall of our 
original chapel, when ruinous and forgotten, into the new 
building a century after his death. Tlie inscription is sur- 
mounted with his arms : On a bend dexter three lozenges 
between two Unicorns' heads with the City Arms in the 
dexter angle. The crest is a Unicorn's head on a ducal crown, 
and the motto Dciis liberabit. The graving, black on brass, 
does not indicate the blazonry, but the family arms seem 
almost identical with those of the Cusack-Smiths, one of 
whom was so long the Master of the Rolls in Ireland some 
40 years ago, shewing the unicorns azure armed or, on a 
field of argent. 

This epitaph is simple, but between its lines we can read 
in the whole story of the Dublin of the times as if it were a 

William Smith, at thirty- four, was elected sheriff of 
Dublin, 1636, when Wentworth was at the zenith of his 
reign, and he took part in some of the great viceroy's civic 
reforms. The next year he was made one of the Masters 
of the City Works, and in that following was one of the 
aldermen in whom then was vested almost the entire civic 
power. After Strafford was flung to the wolves of the factions, 
that beset him from opposite sides, the Irish rebellion burst 
forth in autumn, 1641. Almost connived at by Parsons, the 
Lord Justice, and creature of the refractory Parliament, 


who used it to promote the Covenant, to discredit the King 
and to create forfeitures, in the course of the winter it had 
flooded all the land. When Ormonde's victory at Kilrush, and 
the raising of the vSiege of Drogheda, had extorted the praise 
of Parliament, and he becam.e Marquess, Knight of the 
Garter and Commander of the King's forces, Alderman 
Smith w^as made Mayor at Michaelmas, 1642 ; the senior 
alderman, Kennedy, had, according to usage, been elected 
at the spring Assembly, but in the agony of the rebellion, 
the city, moneyless, in danger and dismay, crowded with 
half-starved fugitives, its revenues unpaid, could scarce find 
a candidate who could accept the chief magistracy. In his 
first year Parsons was still Lord Justice, and Lambert, Lord 
Cavan, who commanded the Government forces in the city, 
assumed the civic government also, but Smith withstood 
him to the face, and the Corporation, under hi s leadership, 
maintained their charter rights before the Privy Council. 
Lambert then claimed from the Council to undertake alone 
the city defences, with power to enforce the labour of the 
citizens, unless the Mayor and City would guarantee the 
duty at their own sole charges. The Council referred this to 
the Assembly, who, despite their penury, boldly undertook 
to construct the defences by the citizens in batches, with 
right to call the aid of the army to distrain defaulters 
" freed," as they said, " from the extreme pressure of levy- 
ing the defaults by authority from the Lord Lambert." 

At the spring Assembly, 1643, Carbery, the senior alder- 
man, was elected Mayor, but the penury continued. The 
3^200 then voted by usage to the Mayor was still unpaid to 
Smith, as was that voted to his predecessor in 1642, so that 
at the Michaelmas Assembly, Smith remained in ofiice for 
his second year. Parsons had now been removed from the 
Government, and Ormonde became Lord Lieutenant in 
January, 1644. " In the extremity and dearth people were 
then dying of hunger, to the great grief of the Corporation,'' 
and Smith was put at the head of a Commission " to send 
away such as the town are not able to relieve, and to take a 
course for the relief of the native Poore." He was now senior 


alderman, and at the Spring Assembly was duly elected 
Mayor " for his own term according to the law of succession " 
from Michaelmas, 1644-1645. During Ormonde's armistice 
with the Confederate Catholics there was less confusion in 
Dublin, but the reigning dearth may be seen in such facts as 
that the great Lord Lieutenant, who, being lefused a guinea 
from the Parliament, had mortgaged his own estates, was 
forced to borrow £184 from the City, an asset which had fallen 
to them b}^ a chance. One Delaporte, had slain a brother 
merchant, Panckart, and fled. The City Sheriffs seized his 
goods as forfeited by the felony, and realised £184 8s. by 
their sale, which went to the credit of the City, and even of 
these assets, one part consisted of City plate, pledged to 
Delaporte by Wakefield when Mayor in the year before 
Smith's first election. And in this his third year, of the three 
/200 voted him by the City, £472 was unpaid, for which the 
city could only give him a lease of their lands in Baldoyle, 
the rent of which he was to retain for the debt, yet, even 
this, too, was conditional, on their evicting the tenant, one 
Fitzsimons, who held possession more Hibcrnico. In Spring, 
1645, Watson, senior alderman in rotation, was elected 
Mayor, but, he being also unable to take office, Smith was 
again continued at Michaelmas, for his fourth year. 

In this he had a conflict with Lord Brabazon, whose 
father, the Earl of Meath, had, in the previous reign, un- 
successfully claimed exemption from all civic authority 
within his Liberties of S. Thomas and Donore. In those 
curfew days the keys of the City gates were kept by the 
Mayor from sunset to morning. Lord Brabazon at mid- 
night demanding the key of the West gate that led to his 
manor, could not get it, so he smashed the windows and 
doors of Smith's Mayoralty house. The City ordered pro- 
secution in the Exchequer, and petitioned the Lord Lieu- 
tenant for redress. The citizens were not then bound to 
insure against malicious injuries out of the City rates. 

But in summer, 1645, the Royal cause weis borne down at 
Naseby, and Ormonde heroically holding out for his master, 
could now only hope by a treaty witli the Confederate 


Catholics to raise an army to combine with Montrose, his 
compeer Marquess, in Scotland, and for this he struggled 
two long years. Herein he was thwarted by Rinnucini, the 
Pope's Nuncio, who. dreaming of a Catholic Conquest, in- 
spired Owen Roe O'Neill to attack the Parliamentary army, 
which he destroyed at Benburb in June, 1646, and then urged 
him on for the capture of Dublin. O'Neill beleaguered the 
City in the autumn with 18,000 wild Irish. Ormonde was 
with his army in Meath. Under him Smith was the com- 
mander of all the City forces, for which he nominated all the 
Captains of companies. Ormonde gave orders that all the 
citizens, of every rank and sex, over fifteen years old, should 
work at least one day in each week till the defences were 
complete. His own noble wife (she was his cousin, the Lady 
Elizabeth Preston), led the defenders with ladies of the first 
quality, who, with their own fair hands, carried baskets of 
earth to repair the fortifications.4 The Marquess, like 
Wellington, at Torres Vedras, had ordered the country 
round Dublin to be denuded, and on the report of succour 
from England, the Irish, unfed, withdrew, dissolving as a 
storm cloud. No Assembly that year could be held at 
Michaelmas. At Easter, Lake, senior alderman, was elected 
Mayor, but Smith was continued to January, 1647, when he 
was again elected for the fifth time to hold to Michaelmas 

But the Royal cause was now lost. His treaty, denounced 
at once by the victorious Parliament, and by the Nuncio, 
Ormonde was forced to the choice of to which he should 
abandon Dublin. He chose the former. His intention being 
rumoured in the city, Smith came to the Privy Council, and 
boldly told the Marquess who presided, that he, as Mayor, 
was entrusted with the King's sword of this city, and that 
he would not resign it to the rebels. Ormonde obliged to 
seem offended, ordered him to withdraw, but after some 
conference, the Council called him in again, and the Lord 
Lieutenant graciously commended him for his resolution to 
maintain his Majesty's authority. Then he personally read 

■* Gilbert's Calendar, xix, iii. 


to him the King's letter, requiring his Lord Lieutenant to 
dehver up the sword to the Commissioners of Parhament, 
and then the brave Mayor reUictantly acquiesed. It was no 
ignoble ending of his five years magistracy, covering all the 
unparalleled period of the King's struggle and of Ormonde's 
first ascendancy. In the twelve years of Cromwellian supre- 
macy which succeeded. Smith did not time-serve the new 
regime, as many old Royalists did, but he earnestly discharged 
his aldermanic duties, serving as city auditor in seven, and as 
city treasurer in four, successive years, and he acted as a 
leading member on all the important city committees, on 
those for preserving the revenues and rents, lost, some for 
ever, in the prevailing confusions, on those for dealing with 
the prevalent destitution, on that for securing from the 
Parliamentary Commissioners repayment of the loans forced 
from the city to support the Cromwellian army. But when 
the army had declared for a free Parliament and then for 
recall of the King, the City Assembly in ]Ma\% 1660, reciting 
that the city had always been firm and faithful to the English 
interest and ver\'' instrumental in defending itself against 
the Irish rebels, resolved that two aldermen be employed 
into England to attend his Majesty, " and to manifest 
the city's detestation of his father's murther, and their joy 
in his happy access to his ro3^al father's crown and regiment 
of his native kingdom." Alderman Smith was the first of 
the two delegates named. With them are associated Sir 
Maurice Eustace, Lord Chancellor, and {"450 was votsd by 
the city to support their embassy. 

In 1662 Ormonde came back Duke and Lord Lieutenant. 
At the Spring Assembly of 1663, Coolco had been elected 
Mayor, but the summer meeting ixsohnd that "being 
sensible of tlie very great confusion of the years past, they 
deemed it necessary tliat an able, loyal, well-experienced 
person should be chosen, and one well known to the present 
Governor of this Kingdom." And " finding that the Duke 
of Ormonde and Council have a desire that Alderman 
William Smith should undertake the Mayoralty for the 
ensuing year," he was elected, for the sixth time, to hold to 



Michaelmas, 1664. Alderman Cooke was permitted to resign, 
but as he did so to meet the wishes of the Duke, he was 
given standing as if he had served, and his expenses in pre- 
paring for ofhce. Smith being granted 1(^400 to maintain his 
dignity. During this, his sixth Mayoralty, he was chairman 
of the committee which made the allotments and enclosure 
of the great city common of St. Stephen's Green, and of that 
appointed to conduct the petition to the Duke and to the 
King for royal grants in aid of the distressed finances of the 
city which bore fruit next year. At the Spring Assembly, 
Sir Daniel Bellingham was elected Mayor, but praying to be 
excused, Smith was yet again continued at Michaelmas, to 
hold for his seventh Mayoralty to Michaelmas, 1665. 

In this year Ormonde presented the weighty petition to 
the King which evoked a most gracious reply from Whitehall, 
acknowledging the eminent merits and services of the city 
to his father and to himself at the restoration, and contem- 
plating the great poverty to which tlie city was reduced by 
loyalty, Charles announces " his royal judgment to confer 
such favours as may deliver to posterity for their honour 
the gracious sense we have of their services, merits, and 
sufferings." These consisted of a grant of the ferries of the 
Liffey so valuable then when there was only one main 
bridge, and a perpetual grant of £500 a year to the Mayor, 
to be paid from the Civic list, he further forgives the crown 
rents then due and reduces them permanently to ;/^20 a 

One of Smith's last official acts this year was to read the 
city petition to the crown against the merchants of London, 
who, with banal selfishness, were seeking power from the King 
to ban Dublin and Ireland from its trade with the Canaries, 
whither the petition states Ireland was then sending feeding 
commodities of the best vend, for which a fleet was then 
freighted by the city merchants. Bellingham was now 
obliged to take the Mayoralty ; but in the last days of the 
tenure, Smith had a letter from the Duke referring to a 
charter of Charles I. in 1641, whicli had not been acted on 
by which the title of Lord Mayor had been conferred on the 


Chief Magistrate. The Assembly before which Smith hiid it, 
resolved that this would be for the honour and good of the 
city, and so Sir Daniel Bellingham and not Smith became 
first Lord Mayor of Dublin, yet these two years of office 
were not without honour, for in these he wore the Cap of 
Maintenance and the splendid collar of S.S. which Charles 
had sent the city immediately on his restoration, and he was 
colonel of the first city regiment of foot. 

It might now be though his civic life had ended, especially 
as the odious intrigues of the Cabal ministry shortly after 
effected the recall, and brought about the political fall of 
of his great patron, Ormonde. 

Nevertheless after the Cabal had been broken, and Lord 
Berkeley, its representative in the Irish Government re- 
moved, and Essex sent as viceroy to restore order in Dublin, 
Smith once again was summoned to the civic chair, just ten 
years after he had last left it. If he heard the bells of Christ 
Church chiming. '-Turn again, William Smith, Lord ]\Iayor 
of Dublin," it was not to come back as a turncoat, but to com- 
plete his career of loyalty, consistancy and good faith. He 
was now old and impoverished ; his rent to our Hospital 
for his own allotments in Stephen's Green was in arrear ten 
years, and for this he could only assign his allotment in 
Oxmantown as portion of the site of our original edifice, yet 
he managed to contribute £20 to the building fund, but his 
unparalleled career, as he opened for the first time, the 
assembled school in 1675, is a contribution to our annals 
richer than a large pecuniary subscription. Born in 1602, 
his life links our story with the spacious days of great 
Elizabeth. He was one of our most deligent governors, 
presiding at all the eleven meetings of his Mayoralty, and 
he ended his days with as the only intern governor we have 
ever had, for now poor and old the Board in 1679, directed 
that he should have such lodgings in the Hospital as he shall 
make choice of in the upper story of the south isle, lie to 
undertake the government of the house and trouble of keep- 
ing the children in order. And so he ruled to his death in 
1684, a little before our founder, Kmg Charles. 


In 1675 the Hospital acquired what proved to be its 
richest single endowment, the fee simple of the lands of 
Nodstown, in the parish of Ardmayle, and barony of Nether- 
cross, County Tipperary, situate near Cashel. adjoining the 
Suir, and then including more than eight hundred acres 
chiefly of prime land. This gift to the Hospital was the 
outcome of a domestic romance, in which the female element, 
of course, prevails. Mr. Gyles Martyn had acquired this 
estate a few years before from one John Upton, who held 
under patent from the Crown, and thus becoming a landed 
proprietor, was anxious to transmit it to his heirs. But Mrs. 
Martyn was childless. She had a sister, however, who was 
not so, and when the next confinement was expected, Mrs. 
Mart5m, in league with her, feigned pregnancy, and in due 
tim.e, presented her sister's babe to her husband, Gyles, as 
his veritable son and heir, to the supposed father's delight. 5 
And thus Nodstown would have gone to this child, but that 
the lady conspirators quarrelled, and the angry sister dis- 
closed the truth to Martyn. In rage and disgust, he went to 
his law3'ers, and thereupon executed a deed, granting the 
whole estate, in trust, for King's Hospital. Mrs. Gyles 
Martyn sliortl}^ after died, childless, and the widower marry- 
ing again, had a numerous family, some of whom vainly 
endeavoured to recover the estate. The grant to the 
Hospital reserved to the Martyn family the nomination of 
six boys to the school perpetually. Martyn's son, many 
years after, petitioned the Corporation for some redress, as 
the family had sunk into poverty in the revolutionary 
troubles of James II. The rents of Nodstown were then 
small, but the Corppration voted him an annuity of twenty 
pounds a' year, and after his death, on a petition of his 
mother, Gjdes Martyn's widow, in 1702, asking a grant in 
lieu of the nomination of boys, the Assembly granted her 
thirty pounds on those conditions ; but it is satisfactory to 
find that nominations by the Martyn family were always 
honoured afterwards, so long as they were sought for. The 
action taken by the city, in this Martyn case, was b}/ the 

^ Whitcl?.w's History of Dublin by Walsh, Vol. I., 573. 


Co rpora tii-n it<' IT. ;iii(l imt by the Governors, and illustrates -i-. 
t he imioi i_bul\VL'rii ^^clwul and city in this period. 

Through all tin- « Imh- ^ and chances of Irish land tenure, 
Nodstown has remained with us, its presentjrental is over 
/400 a year. The rise and fall of its rents and land value in 
alMtusTime has reflected the varying economic and political 
conditions of the country, and the estate has afforded strik- 
ing examples of the mismanagement to which lands are often 
exposed when the owners are corporate bodies, obliged to 
depend entirely on their agents, and living at a long distance ^ 
for, till the railway times, it was as far a cry from Dublin to 
Cashel, as now from Dublin to Canada. The acreage under the 
crown patent was 888. Of these two-thirds were superior land, 
the residue adjoining the Suir was swampy and then unproiit- 
able. When granted to the Hospital it was under a long lease 
to one, Leary, at a rent of less than £100. In 1724 this lease 
was renewed by the governors, the acreage stated been 607 
only ; the figures are over an erasure, and the map to which 
it refers, has been abstracted, so that it is hard to escape 
suspicion of some foul play, though, perhaps, the tenant 
may have insisted on excluding the unprofitable acres ; that 
would not, however, have conferred those acres on him, and 
a nearly contemporaneous entry gives the contents as 703. 
This confusion \vas made the subject of adverse comment 
before the Commission on Educational Endowments in 
1856, when Mr. Mallet, then an eminent citizen and active 
governor, indignantly complained of the neglect by which a 
large part of that valuable estate had been lost. He de- 
scribed his personal visit to Nodstown, where he found a 
deep trench severing the river side portion from the rent 
paving land. This portion had then been reclaimed, and 
was in the ownership of the brilliant Irish j)arliamentary 
orator, Richard Lalor Shell, and the title under the Statute 
of Limitations could not be assailed ; though had steps been 
taken in due time, the tenant could have been debarred from 
any claim founded on encroachment on the adjoining waste 
lands of his landlord. We have not, however, great reason 
to lament, for as shewn in a subsequent page, this estate 



became immensely enhanced in the latter years of the 
eighteenth centmy. 

The old Duke of Ormonde had, in 1677, been reinstated 
as Lord Lieutenant. He was to the end the constairtlriend 
of the Hospital. For seven successive years he had con- 
tributed /loo towards its maintenance. In 1676, whilst he 
was still in London, Sir John Temple, then Solicitor-General 
in Ireland, wrote to the Lord Mayor, his old protege, William 
Smith, that at the instance of the Duke, His_Majesty the 
King, had consented to provide a yearly endowment for the 
School, to which. Smith replying with the grateful thanks of 
the Corporation, asks His Excellency to secure that the 
grant may be placed on the Civil List.'' That, however, was 
overcharged by the poor King now, and it was nearl^^^tw© 
years after that Ormonde obtained in the Privy Council the 
foitowing Order, which places the Hospital in relation to the 
Church and State, on the level of the great cathedral which 
Sir Christopher Wren was then erecting, and which has 
proved a large source of revenue for some generations ; it is 
here set out in full 7 : — 

By the Lord Lieutenant and Councell. 

Ormonde. Whereas, we, the Lord Lieutenant, are given 
to understand that his Majestie, taking notice of the great 
expenses the Bishops of England are now usually at in 
making of Feasts at their Consecrations, did think fitt that the 
making thereof for the future should be forborne, and that 
the Bishops at their Consecrations, should, in lieu thereof 
respectively pay fifty pounds towards the building of the 
Cathedral Church of St. Paul. And, whereas, it is observed 
that the Archbishop and Bishops in this kingdome, doe, 
usually upon their respective Consecrations, make great 
Feasts. Now, we, the Lord Lieutenant and Councell in 
imitation of what is done in England, as aforesd., do think 
fitt hereby to recommend it to such Archbishops and Bishops 
as hereafter shall be consecrated, that they forbear putting 
themselves to any expense for a Feast upon their Consecra- 
tions, but that, in lieu thereof, they will pay to the governors 
of the King's Hospital, lately built, near the Citty of Dublin, 

8 Minute Book, p. 76. ''' Minute Book of King's Hospital 


the sum of thirty pounds for the use of the said Hospitall 
which we look upon to be a most commendable act and less 
chargeable to the said Archbishops and Bishops than the 
ffeasts. Given at the Councell Chamber, Dublin, the 7th 
day of March, 1678-9. 

Mich., Armagh, John, Dubhn, Arran, Hen. Midensis, ■ 
Robt. Fitzgerald, Carey Dillon, Chas. Meredyth, Jno. , 
Bysse, Jo. Davys, 01. St. George, Jo. Cole, Richd. / 
Gething, Theo. Jones, Wm. Fflower. 

We had good friends on the Council who gave this boon, 
the Primate Boyle, Lord Chancellor, already a benefactor, 
John, Dublin, is Dr. John Parker, just appointed Arch- 
bishop, in his stead ;i Ix infactor too, Earl of Arran, is 
Richard, brother of Ossory, and who was n ow Lord De puty 
in his father, Ormonde's, absence shortly after. Chief Baron 
Bysse was one of our founders, Davys was Secretary of State, 
a brother of our Recorder, now Chief Justice ; Sir Charles 
Meredyth had negociated the affair at Whitehall, Carey 
Dillon was uncle of the poet, Lord Roscommon, whom he 
succeeded as fifth Earl, and was our neighbour in Oxman- 

This Order had no actual legal sanction, but the word of 
the Privy Council was law in those days, and the practical 
sanctiorrwas'"that all future bishops were appointed by the 
crown on the faith of it. Though the aggregate of the pay- 
ments made under it is very large as the then great number 
of bishoprics led to continuous promotions and vacancies, 
many bishops from time to time without daring to repudiate 
the obligation, kept the governors dunning them for years, 
and once or twice compelled them to apply to Government 
for a renewal of the ordinance, but the majority paid with 
alacrity. The second sum ever paid was by our friend Dr. 
Wettenhall on his consecration to the See of Cork. 

In 1677 the governors obtained under the will of Mr. 
Ratcliff, the lay impropriator of the tithes of Mullingar, the 
valuable gift of the rectorial tithes in fee simple, our entry 
states they were estimated at ;irioo per annum. Through 
all the changes in Church Law since, this gift has remained 


to us, in part, at least, to the present, for the rights of the 
lay tithe owners were preserved by the Disestablishment 
Act of 1869. The usage then was to farm out the tithes 
for terms of years at rents to lessees who collected the tithes 
from the land occupiers, and our records for a century and 
half are replete with entries showing how those rents varied 
with the conditions of the country from time to time. The 
lay impropriators held under the same obligation to the 
parishes which had bound the ecclesiastical bodies and 
monasteries who had first appropriated the parochial tithes 
before Henry VIII. captured and distributed them at 
pleasure to laymen. The obligation was original^ to provide 
for the cure of souls, but this was often compounded for by 
a fixed sum or modus to maintain the fabric of the chancel 
of the Church. This later charge was imposed on our 
governors frequently. In 1682 the Board have a missive 
from Arthur, second Viscount Granard, stating that the 
chancel of Mullingar is ^'ery much out of repair, and asking 
them to arrange with his father-in-law, Sir George Rawdon. 
Accordingly, the Lord Mayor, Sir Humphrey Jervis, there- 
upon agreed with Sir George that £20 in full should be paid 
over to the Bishop of Meath to cover the repairs. This Lord 
Granard was a distinguished soldier, he commanded the i8th 
Old Royal Irish, and served under Turenne, but proving a 
Jacobite, was dismissed by William III. Sir George Rawdon 
was ancestor of the Earl of Moira and Marquises of Hastings. 
The Bishop of ]\Ieath was the famous xAnthon}^ Dopping who 
became an historical personage afterwards. 

The division of functions of Chaplain and Master broke 

down, and in the end of 1680 Mr. Prytherck's chaplaincy 

ceased. The Rev. Benjamin Colquitt was appointed under 

a very strict order, which is noticeable as showing the purely 

I denominational character of the foundation, and because 

I its enforcement often caused trouble, notably when Dean 

I Swift compelled its observance in 1731. The chaplain and 

1 headmaster is carefully to instruct the boys in English and 

I Latin, and every morning read Divine Service at 10 o'clock, 

and at 4 o'clock in summer, and 5 o'clock in winter in the 


Hospital Chapel ; he shall caiefully instruct them in the 
catechism of the Church of England, and examine them 
publicly thereon every Sunday after evening prayer, also in 
the chapel, and shall preach in the chapel at least once each 
month, he shall constantly reside in the Hospital and bring 
therein neither wife or child, but may choose one or two of the 
children to attend him in his chamber. For this his ^salary 
is £40 a year with full maintenance, and he is to have James 
Mead as his usher in teaching. 8 

It is curious to find Latin in the curriculum of such a 
School, but the old Free School had trained great scholars. 
The governors had, however, early and wisely resolved that 
none be put to learn the Latin tongue " but such pregnant 
youths as they shall from time to time approve, and not 
before they can first write and cast accounts very well. 
Luke Lowther was Lord Mayor and our chairman when this 
order passed. He seems to have been a disciplinarian, for 
at the time, he ordered that one alderman and a sheriff's 
peer should attend him every week to see that the children 
had a due proportion of victuals, and to inspect the steward's 
account's ; and he issued a curfew order for locking all 
gates and wickets at given hours, eight, nine and ten 
o'clock, according to the time of year, the steward to keep 
the keys all night, and bells to ring a quarter before each, 
curfew hour. And Sir Humphrey Jervis, his successor, 
followed his steps with an ordei which illumines the then 
state of discipline, " that Mrs. Hollins and Mrs. Draper, 
widows, with their children and servants, and all belonging 
to them, do depart the house, and that such of the Nurses and 
other the servants that are married, be forthwith removed, 
and no servant for the future be entertained but who are 
single, and that this house be not encumbered with any that 
shall not be useful and serviceable to it, and that all such in 
the Hospital as have a key for the street door do bring in 
said key to my Lord Mayor, and no one else to have one save 
porter all day, and steward at night. 

8 Minute Book, p go, 20 March, 1681, 21 February, 1686. 



Essex Bridge. 

Jervis was chairman for two years, being chosen Lord 
Mayor for 1682 and 1683 an original founding governor, 
he so remained for thiity-six years, to his death in Queen 
Anne's reign. A large ship-owner and merchant, he 
amassed a fortune, and founded a family. Though one 
of the chief city magnates, he was for years embroiled 
with his colleagues, but he was one of the makers 
of Dublin, and this with his high services on our Board, 
may excuse the following esipode, especially as it has 
not been, we believe, told in detail before. He was Pontifex 
Maxinms here, for after the centuries in which the Liffey 
was crossed by a single bridge, he built two, Essex or Grattan, 
and Ormonde, now known as the Four Courts bridge, by 
which alone the city was able to spread over the prairies of 
Mary's Abbey and wastes of Oxmantown. Keen as was the 
need, these bridges were no project of the civic authorities, 
erected rather in spite of their fierce opposition, for they 
were mainly interested in the house property within the walls 
now enhanced by the very need of expansion, and they eyed 
with sore jealousy the opening of the north side. The quairel 
lasted twenty years aftei the bridges were up, in the course 
of which Jervis was imprisoned, and, if he is to be 
believed, half ruined, with the martyrdom which often befalls 
reformers. The story has some comic features, for it would 
seem that though he posed as a philanthropist, J ervis's motives 
were quite as personal as those of the monopolists he opposed, 
and it throws humourous light and shade on the doings of 
those days. The merits are somewhat obscure as the records 
of the Privy Council were lost by the fire in the Bermingham 
Tower in 171 1, but they may be fairly judged by a com- 
parison of the Case presented to the Irish Commons in 1695, 
with the Answer of the city and the decision of the house. 

Sir Humphrey petitioned Parliament in August, 1695, 
setting forth his doings and praying pecuniary relief. The 
claim was afterwards embodied in his " Case," which tells 
how, in 1675, Lord Lieutenant Essex made order for build- 


ing Essex Bridge, and assigned a fund for same, appointing 
five overseers, of whom Sir Humphrey was one, all of whom, 
save he, began to make excuses, whereupon His Excellency 
" Deeming the work necessary for the Public Government," 
persuaded him to assume the duty alone, and encouraged 
him with a donation of £100, promising to fmd money for 
the completion. 

Lord Essex is thus the founder and true eponymus of 
the bridge. Henry Grattan and the Grattan's had never 
anytliing to do with it. 

He proceeded, he tells, with all imaginable diligence, but 
Lord Essex unhappily went away before the work was 
half done. Ormonde came back in 1677, and Sir Humphrey 
petitioned his Grace in Council for means to complete. He 
had, he says, only a verbal reply that there was little money 
in the Treasury, but if he proceeded, he would be honourably 
dealt with. On completing the bridge in 1678, his accounts 
were passed in the Privy Council, who reported his expenses 
in excess of his receipts as £1,407, which he had had to 
borrow, paying interest ever since , he repeatedly asksd pay- 
ment from Government, but never could get any satisfactory 

He tells how, at this time, the north bank was laid out 
in lots for projected streets, and that the Duke learning that 
the plans showed the reres of the houses and warehouses 
facing the river without any quay, the Council appointed 
Sir John Cole, Sir George Rawdon, and Sir Oliver St. George, 
baronets, to persuade him, Sir Humphrey, to front the 
houses to the river, " with a quay for the greater beauty and 
ornament of the city "; this, he told them, would cost him 
£1,000, but he would comply if recommended to the King 
for his balance. So he made the embankment which was 
named Ormonde Quay from the Duke, with the Market 
behind similar^ named. Still he could get no satisfaction, 
though the convenience of the bridge, he says, is worth ten 
■"times the cost. 

But his foes were not content with his being unpaid. 
The bridge had been formed with a drawbridge to allow the 


crafts to pass to and from the existing Wood and Merchant 
Quays, with two houses on the north bank foi the keepers. 

In 1684 the city magistrates, he says, egged on the 
masters of ships and gabbards to Petition the Privy Council 
against him foi not having men, night and day, to raise the 
drawbridge, and the Lord Mayor and Corporation appeared 
to support the charge. His plea was that he had built the 
two houses on his own land, and for seven years had given 
them rent free to the bridge keepers, but when unable to 
obtain his balance, he thought himself entitled to take these 
houses to his own use. As, however, he had charged the 
cost of these to the bridge account, the Duke and Council, 
were, he says, " exasperated to that degree,'' that they 
ordered him forthwith to make over the houses by deed to 
the city. He offered to do this on condition that the draw- 
bridge was changed to an arch, and that the houses should be 
restored to him, but the Council peremptorily ordered him 
to assign within forty days. His lawyer told him the decree 
was illegal (probably it was), so he petitioned the Council, 
assisted in this, he says, by Sir John Temple, the Master of the 
Rolls, this petition was rejected, and he was summoned 

The Duke was now in England, and Boyle, now Lord 
Primate and also Lord Chancellor, sat at the hearing as Lord 
Justice, there was no prosecutor, but the despotic prelate 
bid him obey the former decree or answer at his peril. Then 
by the advice of counsel, he petitioned again, pra\'ing that 
the city should be left to prove their rights in a court of law, 
but, if we can believe him, the spirit of the Star Chamber 
was not yet dead. The new petition was held a contempt, 
and on 23 December, 1685, the pursuivant arrested him in 
bed, and lodged him in prison, and the primate refused him 
leave even to go to church on Christmas Day. 

The results, he says, were disastrous. His city foes 
spread reports that he was broke ; his credit was destroyed. 
He was a large owner of ships. One, the " Dubhn, was then 
chartered for Lisbon to Bartholomew Van Homrigli 
(Vanessa's father). On the rumour of his ruin, John Hayes, 


the captain, absconded with the " Dubhn " and her freight, 
with a total loss to Jervis of £2,200. Following suit, his 
factor in the "Virginias," ran away with /i,6oo worth of 
tobacco. Then, Thomas Stretton, master of the " Catherine," 
ran away with her and a cargo of iron worth ;^5oo, whilst 
Stephen Simmons, her master, similarly abducted the " Mary," 
value ;^6oo ; and his goods in places abroad, were seized by 
his creditors. Then losses like Antonio's in the Merchant 
of Venice " enough to press a royal merchant down," reached 
£7,000, a terrible disaster in those days. 

Of Ormonde Bridge, the " Case '' states, that the city 
grand jury presented a timber bridge from the upper end of 
Wood Qua}', at Winetavern Street, to the upper end of the 
Pill, and assessed £400 on the city for this. Owing to the 
opposition, however, this assessment was respited, but Sir 
Humphrey persevered and built the bridge at his own ex- 
pense of over /500. The enemy then thrice presented the 
bridge as a nuisance in the King s Bench, and would have 
pulled it down if the judges had not vacated the presentments. 
Then they combined not to pay the assessment, of which 
£20 only was ever raised. Sir Humphrey bluntly attributes 
this combination to Sir John Davis, then Secretary of State, 
whom he roundly charges with influencing his brotlier. Sir 
William, now Cliief Justice, to refuse him j ustice on his appeal 
to the King's Bench. The motive assigned gives delightf'il 
point to the charge of corruption. Sir John, he says, joined the 
opposition, not because he w^as averse to the connection of 
south and north, but because he was himself negotiating to 
buy the new Ormonde Market, whiclr he would get much 
cheaper in the agitation, and this was seen afterwards, for 
when Sir John's purchase was completed, he procured a new 
presentment in his brother's court for a stone bridge in lieu 
of the timber, with power to appropriate Sir Humphiey's 
displaced materials, and this was hated by the court. This 
charge, ho\^ever, needs higher proof than Jervis's asser- 

Sir Humphrej^'s " petition " came before a Committee 
of the Whole House of Commons in October, 1695, Their 


report was adopted, finding £1,407 partly due to Jervis for 
Essex, and £380 for Ormonde Bridge, and, allowing him ten 
year's interest, declared him entitled to £3,434 in all, to be 
raised by a tax of one shilling per ton on all coal entering 
Dublin, and they ordered the heads of a bill to be drawn 
accordingh' for approval of the Privy Council in England. 

But this bill, transmitted to London under Poyning's 
Law, was rejected by the Council, on the ground that it 
proposed to put a duty on the products of England." Nothing 
is said of its imposing a duty on the consumers in Ireland. 
The proposal was, curiously, exactly that adopted by Sir 
M. Beach, when Chancellor of the Exchequer, as one of the 
aids for the South African War. The result, perhaps, shows 
that the veto under Poynings Act, was sometimes salutary. 

So Sir Humiphrey came to Parliament again in 1697, 
and a Special Committee reported in August that £3,434 
was justly due, and that it was highly just and reasonable 
to take speedy steps for payment. But the city was now 
in arms : they claimed to be heard by counsel concerning 
Jervis's demand of a tax for building the bridges. This was 
conceded. His case was answered by " the Case of the city 
of Dublin," caustic and pungent with humour, conscious or 
not. It exposes the springs of Sir Humphrey's patriotism 
showing how, before the bridges were built, the sites of 
Ormond Quay and the New Market were wastes, the passage 
of the river being by ferries, yielding large rents to the city, 
when Sir Humphrey, with his partners, bought twent}' acres 
of the wastes and laid them, out in twent3/-eight building 
lots, which, without bridges, tliey could turn to no account ; 
he tlicn, say the city opponents, set himself, first to get 
the leave of the city, and then to provide a fund. This was a 
difficult matter for the river belonged to the city, and as 
the case naively adds, " the improvement of tlie north side 
would certainly, in a great measure, ruin the old city, whose 
inhabitants were always on their guard to discountenance 
and prevent it." The Grand Jury, indeed, presented for a 
bridge, but this, the city says, was because Alderman Peter 

^ See Journal of House of Commons. i 


Wybrants, the foreman of the jury, lived on the north side 
of the water. The next thing was to get the money, so first 
Jervis accosts his partners but they would only subscribe 
£250 or /lo per lot ; so he then approaches the Lord Lieu- 
tenant, telling him his undertaking would be very splendid, 
that the bridge would be called Essex Bridge with the Earl's 
arms set up there, and the street beyond, a large noble one, 
called Capel Street, which should perpetuate his memory. 
On this the Earl gave him a £100. Like compliments he 
used with the Ormonde family, calling the em.bankment 
Ormonde Quay. He now, they say, thought himself strong 
enough to practice with the city of which he was a sworn 

The Government shortly before had granted the city 
the customs of the city gates, reserving, however, the income 
for the first seven years. The greater part of these he induced 
Lord Essex to assign him for the bridge fund, whicli, in 
seven years, should be worth ^^2,000, enough to build the 
bridge. Impeaching his accounts, the case tells, how, in 
1690, Sir Humphrey was committed by the Lords Justices 
for receiving money from papists, for certifying they had 
taken the Oath of Allegiance, which they had, in fact, re- 
fused to take. Thrice indicted for this in the King's Bench, 
he was fined on his submission, £200 ; in view of the balance 
still due him the fine was remitted, and the city therefore 
say it is just and reasonable that this /200 should be deducted 
from his balance. And as to his two bridge houses his claim 
should be reduced, for he had charged them in the bridge 
accounts, yet retained them still for himself. 

" To move your compassion," the city case goes on, 
" Sir Humphrey tells 3^ou a long (but not a true) story about 
his being imprisoned by the Lord Primate for petitioning 
that the city should be left to the law. as to its title to the 
houses, and how he was taken and kept close prisoner on 
Christmas Day, and how his confinement ruined his credit, 
and made five masters of his ships run away with them, and 
several other terrible things happened him ; but had he 
justly told his case, it would have appeared, he was justly 


committed for preparing a petition in which were several 
expressions reflecting on the Government ; that he was in the 
pursuivant's hands only from the 24th to 28th December, and 
then, on his asking pardon, was discharged, " his confine- 
ment being only during the holidays when no exchange was 
open or business done, so that part of his case is rather a 
libel on the Lord Primate and the Council than anything 

As to Ormonde Bridge, the city urges that this project, 
too, was for Sir Humphrey or his partners' own private ad- 
vantage, the presentment being obtained during his 
mayoralty against the consent of the city, as proved by their 
presenting it as a nuisance. They charge him with procur- 
ing his second year of office, and using his power to drive 
the markets from the old city mto his new grounds, im- 
prisoning many for continuing the antient markets until he 
had ruined these. 

The city case concludes by suggesting that if Sir Humphrey 
is to be re-imbursed it should not be at the cost of the city 
which had lost its ferries, its markets, and half its rents 
whereon the wastes across river now yielded a hundredfold. 
" Hard," they say, " it would be to cause several bridges to 
be built over the Thames, and then to order the charges to 
be paid by the watermen of London. If Sir Humphrey is to 
have this money that he cannot tell who owes him, we hope 
it may be laid on those that reaped the benefit. For his deal- 
ing with the papists about the Oath of Allegiance and his 
false suggestions and reflections about his confinement, he 
ought to be no object of compassion, and otherwise he has 
no pretence." 

Jervis lodged a reply. Admitting the north bank was 
waste, he and his partners had paid £3,000 for this part of the 
abbey lands, purchased from the Earl of Tyrone, but as the 
sea overflowed a great portion, it cost several thousands to 
wall in the strand and embank it with earth before an}- house 
could be built. Further their purchase was after Lord 
Essex's promise to provide a fund, and the Earl, persuaded 
of its utility, had recommended Ormonde, his successor, to 


procure money from London to finish. He concedes the 
hostihty of the city, adding dryly " lest their rents for lodging 
for gentlemen when they came from town should fail." As 
to the customs of the city gates, he was obliged to lease them 
out and then raise capital on the rents, so that they yielded 
him only £900 in all. 

His defence as to the Catholic oaths has historic interest, 
emphasised by controv^ersies of the present day. The oath, 
as he actually administered it, ran " you shall swear that 
from this day forward you shall be true and faithful to 
our Sovereign Lord and Lady, King William, and Queen 
]Mary, their heirs and lawful successors, and faith shall bear 
of lite, and members, and honour, and shall neither know 
nor hear of any ill will or damage intended them that you 
shall not defend, so help your God." The oath as it was said 
he should have administered, it was : "I do sincerely pro- 
promise and swear that I will be faithful and true allegiance 
bear to their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary. So 
help me God." He says his counsel advised that this oath, 
though e nacted for England, was not made obligatory m 
Ireland till 1691, so he traversed his indictment, but after- 
wards. To save~charges, as he says, he submitted to a fine of 
£200. No wonder he did so for he makes the fatal admission 
that he was aware the word " allegiance " was not in the 
oath as taken before him, but that many others so ad- 
ministered it. As to this latter fact, he calmly adds : 
" the papists were not aware of this, but thought he had 
omitted the word 'allegiance' in favour to them," he 
says nothing as to the charge of taking money for the 

In proof of his loyalty he adds a paragraph quite refresh- 
ing in its unconsciousness of any perfidy. How in the days 
of King James and Tyrconnell, David Stuart, one of his 
mariners, was commissioned by the King to carry a Captain 
Shuttleworth to a gentleman in Wales, as he had previously 
taken another secret emissary to Duke Powis. Stuart 
informed Jervis that the Castle officials had, for three weeks, 
been writing commissions for Shuttleworth to raise com- 



motions in England, and that he, himself, was offered £24 
to take Shuttleworth across channel. Sir Humphrey says 
he told Stuart he was in danger to be hanged if the Govern- 
ment changed, yet advised him to save himself by accepting the 
employment, first getting his -{24 in hand, to leave this ivith his 
wife, but, on landing, to get Shuttleivorth arrested and his papers 
seized. Tliis was done. Shuttleworth, with all his com- 
missions, was carried to London, and many men of note were 
lodged in the Tower and Newgate. " If," he adds, " Stuart 
had discovered, Jervis has certainly been hanged." That 
was true enough when Dick Talbot ruled. Sir Humphrey, 
however, was addressing the Williamite Parliament. 

The cause was heard before a Committee of the Whole 
House on six several days in September, 1697.^" Their report 
retreats very far from their former finding of -{3,434, for 
they now found £1,500 and no more to be a full satisfaction 
and discharge for all Sir H. Jervis's demands. They evidently 
considered that his personal interest in the bridge well 
compensated his loss of interest on outlay, but that the 
promises of Lord Essex on which he had acted made it fair 
to repay him the principal. Yet even this would seem never 
to have been paid him. The House referred it to a Committee 
(they were very alert to do this) to provide a fund, but the 
journals never show that it was raised, and in i6g8, we lind 
Sir Humphrey once more knocking at the gates of Parliament. 
Perhaps he got as much as he merited, for he left a large 
.jfortune, and Jervis Street still pierces his twenty acres from the 
river to Great Britain Street, where his descendents are still 
the landlords of a considerable portion. His daughter, and sole 
heiress, married Mr. White of Bally Ellis, and is ancestor of 
the present baronet family of Jervis- White. Sir Humphrey, 
himself, came from a Staffordshire stock, from which 
descended Sir John Jervis, the famed Earl of St. Vincent, 
who, with Nelson, broke the Spanish fleet in February, 1797. 

Our Chairm.en from the foundation to King Charles's 
death, were the Lord Mayors — 1767-8 Mark Ouin, 6S-9 John 

'" Joiivnal of House of Commons. 


Forrest, 69-70 L ewis Desmyn ieres, 70-1 Enoch Reader, 
71-2 Sir John Tottie, 72-3 Robt. Decy, 73-4 Sir Jos. Allen, 74-5 
Sir Fran. Brewster, 75-6 William Smith, 76-7 Chris. Lovett, 
77-8 John Smith, 78-9 Peter Ward, 79-80 John Eastwood, 
80-1 Luke Lowther, 81-2-3 Sir H. Jervis, 83-4 Elias Best, 
84-5 Sir Abel Ranj .- Under these, beside the enclosures of 
the (ireens and the two bridges, the evolution of Dublin 
went on. In 1882 the vague shore between Queen Street 
and the Duke of Ormonde's wall, at the present barracks 
was granted to Mr. Ellis, on the terms of his forming the 
quay which still bears his name, with a road behind to the 
Park, then another road in the line of Barrack Street, to be 
planted with trees for a citizens' walk alongside tlie line 
Bowling Green, lately formed to the north, and which now 
is merged in the playground of our present schools ; it then 
lay west of the original school, and was still long known as 
the Bowling Green after it had become ours ; all this was a 
large accession to our vicinage. Then the quay was formed 
from the Four Courts site, the Inns by the new bridge with 
a market behind ever since bearing Ormonde's name, and 
far eastward the slobs along the North Strand were allotted 
from Mabbot's Mills, still marked by Mabbot Street. South 
of the river, the Wood Quay was extended to Essex Bridge 
in line of a slushy shore called the Blind Quay, and the Dam 
and point at Dames Gate, south of the creek were covered. 
Behind the Green and the Hoggen ]\Iount was a recreation 
ground called Tib and Tom, which w^as now pierced with 
William Street by Mr. Williams, under treaty wdth the city ; 
and wlicre the Theatre Royal now stands, Mr. Hawkins, 
under similar treaty, built a wall to protect his houses on 
Lazie Hill (Townsend Street), but still leaving the tides to 
flow round it over the site of Westmoreland Street to the 
strand of Fleet vStreet. And all this time the old city towers 
were disappearing, first let to private persons and then to be 
trampled in the march of reform. Fair Isoult's Tower by 
Essex Street went down in 1681." 

'' With regard to the question asked in Chapter I , page 13, as to Isoult 
and the Arthurian Legend, the following surmise is ventured ; — The 


Arthurian Legend, as it now survives, lives in the Morte D'Avthiiv oi Sir 
Thomas "Malorv, written tempore Edward I\'. Here La Belle Iseult is 
daughter of Anguish (Angus) King of Ireland, who claimed to take "truag? " 
or toll from the Cornish King, and sent his brother-in-law, Sir Marhans, to 
enforce the claim by knightly battle fiom King Mark of Cornwall. Mark's 
nephew, the j'oung Sir Tristram of Lyonesse (South Cornwall), as his 
champion, fought Sir Marhaus, and wounding him fatally, Sir Marhaus 
returned to Ireland to die with a splinter of Tristram's sword in his skull. 
He had given Tristram a wound which was said to be poisoned and 
could only be cured in the country whence Sir Marhaus came. So Tristram, 
changing his name to Tramtrist,came to Ireland to the Court of King Anguish, 
was cured, won favour, fell in love with the beautiful Iseult, and she with 
him. Once and again he returned to Ireland, and took awa}^ Iseult to be 
the wife of his uncle, King Mark, but they never forgot their first loves ; 
she left the Court with Tristram and lived with him in Joycitse Gai'd'\ whilst 
he still wrought as Knight of Arthur's Round Table, second in glory to Sir 
Launcelot only. Now Malory tells us he took his Morte D'Arthitr from 
the tales and songs of the French Trouveres or Troubadours, at their acme, 
in the times of the Crusades, whose knights came from all Western Europe ; 
thus the Troubadours drew from the traditions and myths of many ages 
and many lands, and copiously from the bardic relics of Wales, Cornwall, 
and Armorica, or Brittany, colonised by the Celtic Britons, driven westward 
b}' the Saxons and called Lesser Britain by Malory. In the sixth century, 
and after, Wales had close connexions with Ireland through St. Bridget, 
and St. David, who is said by Geoffry of Monmovxtli, writing in the 
time of the Crusades, to have been the nephew of King Arthur, with 
Caerleon on Usk as his first See, which he changed to Alenevia, thence 
called St. David's, by St Bride's, or Bridget's Bay. This connection was 
revived at the Plantagenet Conquest by Giraldus Cambrensis and Strong- 
bow's companions of South Wales. Following these was Sir Armoricus 
Tristram, who, with his brother-in-law, De Courcy, captured Howth in 
1177, and became its lirst Lord. He, with De Courcy, was knighted at 
Rouen tempore Richard Coeur de Lion, and he took the name St. Lawrence. 
He was slain with his thirty knights in Connaught by O'Connor, King of 
Ireland, and his sword has traditionally hung in Howth Castle for nearly 
six centuries and a half. Is he not Sir Tristram de Lyonesse, and have we 
not here the germs of the Romance of Tristram and Iseult, which forms a 
full fourth of the Morte FT Arthur :' Is the sword at Howth that which 
was shivered in the skull of the Irish knight ? Armoricus seems to point 
to Armorica and Brittany. I can find no suggestion of this in Dr. Somner's 
exhaustive "searches" after the origin of the Arthurian epic, but it is 
pleasant even to dream of a connection of Old Dublin with the Old Romance 
which has inspired the genius of Spenser and Tennyson, and is now 
enshrined for ever in the Idylls of the King. 





In the years following the death of our royal Founder 
the journal of the Hospital is rather jejune. It was not 
now a favourite with the Government at the Castle. The 
school work, however, went on as before. Sir Abel Ram 
was Lord Mayor and Chairman in 1685, Sir John Knox in 
1686, and Sir John Castleton in 1687, and several of the 
original governors are still on the Board, including Sir 
Josua Allen, Sir Humphrey Jervis, the two Desminieres, 
Sir Francis Brewster and Enoch Reader, but none of the 
distinguished co-opted governors seem to have attended. 
In October, 1685, Mr. Benjamin Colquit resigned, and the 
Rev. Nicholas Knight became Chaplain and Head-master. 
His letters of presentation by the governors to Francis 
Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin, pursuant to the Charter, are 
inscribed in our minute book in Latin, quaint, if not 
very classical. The Lord Mayor and Corporation style them- 
selves, — Dominus Major, Vice Comites, et cives Civitatis 
Dublin, indiubitati patroni Hospitii, of the late Lord King 
Car. II., and they supplicate his Grace, whom they address 
in the vocative, — Rcvcrcndissime Pater, to admit tlieir beloved 
Nicholas Knight, clericum, to exercise all the duties in the 
Hospital. Dei Verbi prcdicatoris, puerunique eniditoris. 
Knight so continued up to May 1687, when " on his pre- 
ferment," as our minute book runs, the Rev. Thomas 
King became Chaplain and master in his stead. Of King we 
hear more anon. In September, 1686, we have our first 
entry recording trouble with our boys ; it gives a sample 


of the summary discipline then in vogue. Some twelve 
boys were detected in taking money out of the Hospital 
poor box. It couldn't have been much, but Master Andrew 
Roulston the ringleader, ran away for a week, and the others 
for two days. So Roulston is condemned, " that as a terror 
to the rest from falling into the like miscarriage, he be 
to-morrow whipt in the great hall, in the presence of the 
other boys, by the keeper of the Bridewell's servant, and that 
he be stript of his Blew Coat, and be turned out of doors, 
never to be admitted again." The other eleven are to be 
admonished by the Chaplain, but the admonition is to be 
endorsed by a whipping in presence of the school. By 
what law the official aid of the Bride^^•ell keeper was thus 
invoked does not appear. 

In 1687 our minute book shows that there was no meeting 
of the governors after September, or in the nine months 
following, and in the three years and four months to May, 
1691, five meetings only, being two each in 1688 and 1690, 
and one in i68g. At these no school business seems to have 
been done ; three deal only with one of our Endowments, 
the Tythes of Mullingar, and two with a change in the agency 
of the Hospital. And yet these meagre entries, closely 
looked at, are, perhaps, the most interesting in all our annals, 
for they disclose the connection of our school with one of the 
greatest events in the history of England and Ireland, 
the Revolutiron and reign of King James the Second. To 
decipher the cryptogram, however, it must be read in the 
light of the contemporary facts of the strange eventful story 
as they affected Dublin, whose civic governors were our 
governors too. 

When King Charles died, in Februar^^ 1685, the 
Protestant Corporation at once addressed the new King in 
terms of almost servile loyalty, for passive obedience was 
then taught almost as dogma in the Anglican Church. 
Composed by Sir Richard Reeves the Recorder, and one of 
our governors, the address blesses God for the accession of 
" our only true and lawful sovereign whom we will ever 
obev and serve with our lives and fortunes with an untainted 


allegiance, and with all obedience of your Majestie's most 
humble and faithful and dutiful subjects." ^ The King's 
iirst act in Ireland was to withdraw the venerable Duke 
of Ormonde from the Lord Lieutenancy appointing Lords 
Justices, and placing Richard Talbot, newly created Earl of 
Tyrconnell in command of the army in Ireland, then 
numbering some 8,000 men. This was ominous, but in that 
year Tyrconnell seems to have confined his acts to the army, 
for the King during spring was occupied in punishing his 
enemies of the Rye House plot, in obtaining subsidies from 
Louis XI\'., and in controlling the elections which returned 
him a Parliament, of which eleven-twelfths were his own 
devoted Royalists and Cavaliers ; and in the summer his 
hands were full with the suppression of Monmouth's re- 
bellion. His ministerial changes wliicli were drastic enough, 
did not cause general alarm as in his first speech in the Privy 
Council, lie^omised to uphold the Established Church. 

The only symptom of a new policy in civic Dublin 
which the City Rolls record this year, is a petition in November 
of Roman Catholic citizens for their freedomes which the 
Privy Council ordered to be heard b}^ the two Chief Justices, 
Sir Wm. Davys, and Keating, the Chief Baron Henry 
Hene, and Sir Richard Reynell of the Common Pleas. This 
assembly, regarding — " as a matter of very great moment 
which will influence all the Corporation in this citie," direct 
that Counsel shall be retained for the hearing. The precise 
nature of this petition or its result, we do not now know ; 
but if any decision was pronounced by these high Judges, 
it could not have been favourable to the Jacobite Govern- 
ment, for had it been, it would surely have been used by 
Tyrconnell when the question was raised acutely in the 
following year ; and w^e know that next year Davys was 
turned out of the King's Bench, and Hene from the 
Exchequer, replaced by Nu gent as Chief J ustice, and Rice 
as Chief Baron. - 

But when after the Blood}' Assizes the King was paramount 
he declared for a standing army and officered the new 

' Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 356. - Lib. Muii. 


regiments, of which fifteen were raised in Monmouth's 
rebelhon, with Roman Catholics discharged from taking 
the statutory oaths. Then alarm spread, increased by the 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in France in November, 
so that when the King invited the Houses reassembled tliat 
month to repeal the Habeas Corpus, and Riot Acts, he was 
met with remonstrance, and, proroguing parliament he em- 
barked on the fatal policy of Prerogative versus Law, sure 
to lead as it did to his ruin. In the close of the year he 
sent here as Lord Lieutenant his brother-in-law. Lord 
Clarendon with Tyrconnell as Commander of the Forces. 
Soon it proved that the Commander of the Forces was 
commander of the Viceroy too. Clarendon was of the 
moderate section in the Cabinet, supported by all foreign 
powers, including Pope Innocent XL, Tyrconnell was leader 
of the Forward section ; he passed over to Whitehall where 
he remained till June, 1686, James's Chief Confidant and 
Arch instigator of the^oUcy that scoffed at statutes. Hence 
he directed the Government in the Castle, brow-beating and 
undermining the Lord Lieutenant. In June Lord Clarendon 
writes to the Corporation in obedience to the King's 
commands in the previous March, stating that his Majesty, 
being informed there was no law warranting the usage of 
requiring Roman Catholics, seeking admission to the city 
franchises and offices, to take the oath o^f supremacy, now 
commanded, that not only should they be admitted freemen 
on the simple oath of allegiance, but if when admitted they 
were chosen to the Mayorality or any City office, their names 
should be returned to the crown • — " That we may dispense 
with the oath of supremacv." Tlie c}uestion of the legality 
of this test in Ireland at that time, has not, we believe, been 
lutherto fully examined, either by English or Irish historians, 
and may be stated here. In England the law was explicit ; 
there the Act of Supremacy, i Eliz. C. i, made the oath 
obligatory on all candidates for office, ecclesiastical or 
temporal. The Irish statute followed it in the next year. 
A doubt, however, was raised in England as to w^hether the 
oath could be enforced unless it was actually tendered, 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 105 

and by an amending Act of 5 Eliz., the tenc^er of the oath 
to all officials and professional men too, was made com- 
pulsory with a death penalty in case of a second refusal to 
take it. This amending act was not followed in Ireland, 
where the sanction of the statute still remained doubtful. 
Macaulay thinks the doubt well founded, and that 
there was no enforceable test then in Ireland at all, herein dis- 
agreeing with Archbishop King, who, in his Statement of 
Ireland regards the doubt as Jesuitical, and the act had de 
facto certainly been operative here ; for example, in i6o^, 
Skelton elected ]\Iayor was superseded on declining to take 
the Oath, and tlie Corporation had gone much further. 
In 1678 the Assembly ordered that no one should thence- 
forth be admitted a freeman, without first taking the Oath 
of Supremacy. This was, indeed illegal for the Act of 
Supremacy referred to officers only. Catholics usually 
declined~The Oafh, as it abjured all ecclesiastical as well as 
temporal authority outside the realm, and thus it was 
practically an effective test, though many of them were in 
fact admitted freemen, probably without any tender of 
the Oath. But Lord Macaulay was, seemingly, not aware 
that under the Acts of Settlement as mentioned above, 
powers were given to the Government to make Rules and 
Orders, having Statutory effect, for the regulation of Corpora- 
tion, under which Lord Essex' Rules in 1672, commanded 
the Lord Mayor to tender the Oath to all officers of the 
Corporation, and the masters and wardens of the City 
Guilds, whose refusal would entail disfranchisement, though 
the Lord Lieutenant could give a dispensation in any special 
named case. The Royal command in June was therefore 
warranted as to the admission of freemen, but not legal 
in giving a universal dispensation in respect to all officers 
to avoid the statutory law. The fluttered Corporation 
replied in terms of humility. They did not plead either 
the statute of Elizabeth or their own order of 1678, tliey 
yielded submissively as to the freemen of whom they said 
there were already four or five hundred Catholics on the 

^ Gilbert's Calendar, 2, 430. 


roll. But shocked at His Majesty's imputation of illegality 
in requiring the Oath in the case of officers they pleaded the 
rules of Lord Essex as binding on them. Little chance there 
was for such a plea with Tyrconnell to whom the mention 
of the Act of Settlement was the red flag of the taureador 
to an angry bull, and when in England, the King in the 
teeth of direct statute law was seizing colleges in Oxford, 
and appointing Roman Catholic Deans to Anglican 
Cathedrals. And yet had this plea been accepted the 
Jacobite Government might soon have constitutionally 
emancipated their co-religionists, for under the Act of 
Settlement it was open to them to supersede the Rules and 
Orders, and to enact new ones dispensing with the Oath of 
Supremacy. But that would not suit the hot haste of James, 
Bent on using his own dispensing prerogative wholesale. 
So in July cam.e a letter from the Viceroy to the city, stating 
that he was not satisfied with their explanation, and com- 
manding immediate and implicit obedience in the King's 
name. The Corporation, doubtless aware of what was 
proceeding in England, did not dare to rejoin, and forth^^ith 
directed that the Oath should no longer be tendered or 

"~^ Here was another chance for a moderate and progressive 
change, but Tyrconnell would brook no delay. He com- 
manded Sir John Knox, the Lord j\Iayor to admit to all 
franchises and offices forthwith, and on his refusal he re- 
sorted to his own more excellent way. Knox was a loyalist ; 
in the previous May sitting, as Chairman of our Board he 
had ordered that on St. James' day, the ist May in each 
year a sermon should be preached in our Chapel of King's 
Hospital, and that the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs and 
Sheriffs' peers, and all other Governors should attend in 
state in their gowns, and that new clothes should be pro- 
vided for the blew boys. But this was not the loyalty 
Tyrconnell wanted. Continuing his intrigues against 

Clarendon in Dublin, and his brother Rochester, Primxe 
Minister at Whitehall, he persuaded the King to dismiss 
them both, and in February 1687, came back to the Castle 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 107 

as \'iceroy himself, with the lesser title of Lord Deputy, but 
with complete control over church, state and army. 

One of his first steps was to withdraw the Royal Charter, 
in Dublin and through Ireland, that stood in his way. Qim 
Warranto s were accordingly issued from the Exchequer 
where Stephen Rice now presided as Chief Baron, known 
for boast that he would drive a coach and si?<; through 
the Act of Settlement, and from that court no writ of Error 
to England lay as in the King's Bencli and Common Pleas 
The dismay was general, hundreds of families crossed the 
channel with Clarendon. The Dublin Corporation im- 

plored the Lord Deputy for grace in vain, and sought to 
appease him by hastening new admissions to tlie francliises. 
The Qco Warrantos went on, but as some lumdred charters 
were being suppressed the proceedings took some time, 
and it was onlv in October that the King's new Charter for 
Dublin was published. Then Sir Thomas Hackett became 
Lord Mayor, Reeves was dismissed from the recordership 
and replaced by Sir John Barnewell to whomi Reeves was 
commanded to deliver The Whiie Book, containing the 
ancient Charters and Customs, and all other records in his 
custody. ■* Thomas Kieran and Edmund Kelly were named 
Sheriffs, and so became governors of the Blue Coat : bv the 
end of the year a^l the thirty sheriffs of Ireland were 
Catholics, save one, who was said to have been named in 
mistake for a namesake. •'' 

Still it was necessary to form the lists of the new 
burgesses, which were only complete in the spring of 1688. 
Thus we can decipher the hiatus in our minute book, 
showing no meeting of the Blue Coat Governors from 
September 1687 to June 1688, as also the composition of 
the Board which then met. Jamics this year had changed 
his first idea of an alliance with the Church of England 
against the Presbyterians and the sects to that of an 
alliance against the Church of England with all the non- 
conformists, whom he had hitherto assailed with the bitter 

■• Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 464. 

"See the list in King'::^ Stat'ineiii of Jrc/inuf, app. 52. 


hostility of which his angry refusal in 1686 to repeal the 
act which made it death to attend a Presbyterian con- 
venticle is but a single example.*^ 

He now declared it his desire to treat all denominations 
with impartiality. Accordingly several of the old cor- 
porators were now re-admitted, including Sir Josua Allen. 
Sir Humphre}^ Jervis and Sir A.bel Ram, three of our former 
chairmen, and Rartholmew Van Homrigh, then an eminent 
Dutch mercliant of Dublin, whom we see admitted to the 
new franchise in April 1688, with his little daughter, Esther, 
Swift's Vanessa, then a child. This fair-play was, however, 
only a semblance, for the Protestants were everywhere in 
a powerless minority. At the Blue Coat Board, on 8th 
June, Sir T. Hackett was chairman, and beside him, 
William Dongan, Earl of Limerick, one of the five nobles 
who had patents from James whilst still King of England. 
He was a gallant soldier, and then in command of one of 
Tyrconnell's new regiments of dragoons, as was his son of 
another. They both fought bravely for at the Boyne, 
where the young man was slain. This Lord Limerick 
merits a memory in Dublin, for with King James he was a 
joint founder of the Workhouse in St.' Street, our 
original Poorhouse and basis of the South Dublin Union. 
Its site was partly on Dongan's estate in the suburbs, and 
partly on that of the King which was portion of the con- 
fiscated lands allotted to him under the Act of Settlement. 
They both assigned to the new foundation, the city adding 
part of the city estate.^ On James's downfall his lands were 
conferred on Lady Orkney and those of Lord Limerick on 
General Ginkell, now Lord Athlone. Hereupon one Brian 
Poole, Esquire, who had somehow got possession, finding a 
difficulty raised by the forfeitures more Hibernico refused to 
admit title, and it was only when the new city regime 
obtained confirmations from Lady Orkney and Lord Atlilone 
that possession was enforced, and the Workhouse restored. 
With Lord Limerick, sat on the Blue Coat Board the new 

" Macaulay's History of England, i, 374. 
^ Gilbert's Calendar, 6, 218. 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 109 

Sheriff, Kelly, and several of the new Aldermen, with several 
of the old Governors, including Aldermen Ram and 
Otterington. But it was futile to suppose that a Protestant 
school under a clerical headmaster could be managed by 
a predominently Roman Catholic Board. No scholastic 
business was done at this meeting nor at that in the following 
week, and no others were held in 1688. We find, indeed, 
in October the Master of the new Workhouse in James's 
Street, one good thing established by TyrconnelFs Govern- 
ment, petitioning the Corporation to allow him "the clothing 
of the Hospital boys," to be made by the workhouse inmates 
who \A ere then set at weaving, but we know not if there was 
any result.'^ 

But the King's forward policy was now moving blindlv 
apace, until the seizure on Magdalen College in Oxford and 
ejection of the Fellows, the bringing over Irish troops to 
England, the wholesale dispensations under the second Declara- 
tion of Indulgence, the trial of the Seven Bishops who refused 
to proclaim it in their charges, and their acquittal, were 
followed by the advent of William of Orange in November, 
James's flight to France in December, and the election of 
William and IMary as King and Queen. All Celtic Ireland 
rose now in arms, fifty thousand regulars, fifty thousand 
irregulars, with swords, pikes, scythes ; even many women 
wielded skeanes. The gates of Derry were closed in Decem- 
ber, and thither and to Enniskfllcn the Protestant population 
fled as to cities of refuge, beleagured by the Irish Army till 
the relief of Derry on ist July, 1689. And though after that 
Ulster was safe, the wrath of the three other provinces waxed, 
for James was now with them as their King, and the popula- 
tion rose en masse. The Protestants were disarmed, hun- 
dreds were imprisoned, thousands fled. Amongst these Sir 
Josua Allen as mentioned above. These were no times for a 
Protestant Corporation School in the city. In 1689 there 
was only one meeting of the Blue Coat Board, at this Alder- 
man aVicDermott, deputy Lord Mayor, presided, with Barne- 
wall, the Recorder, Sir Thomas Hackett, and five other 

^ Gilbert's Calendar, 5, 485. 


Aldermen ; the single item of business done reflected the 
state of the country ; it was in July, when the army was still 
before Derry, and the Governors had to deal with a petition 
of Sir James Leigh to whom at the two meetings in 1688 they 
had arranged for a lease of the Tythes of Mullingar, asking to 
be relieved of his lease as he had been unable to collect the 
tythes. This the Governors refused but offered if he paid the 
arrears to abate the rent in the last half year. For the 
Government was now in the deepest straits for monies. 
Trnde being paralyzed, they must raise it or create it 
anyhow. In the ten months after the relief of Derry the 
factiousness of the English Parliament gave the Castle 
and the Irish Parliament a free hand which the^^ used to 
carry on the war. Then the King coined copper money, 
making four pence worth legal tender for a sovereign and 
seized on all property they could. Most Protestants wlio had 
any and could do so escaped. Then by the Sullan Proscrip- 
tion Act, known as the great attainder, they were ordered 
to return forthwith on pain of being hanged and quartered for 
high treason ; this they no more dared do than the French 
emigrants dared return to Louis XIV. Sir Josua Allen, Van 
Homrigh, and Otterington thus ceased to be Governors of 
our school, and in November, 1689, Tyrconnell seized on our 
Hospital and " turned out all the poor Blew Boys who were 
still there to the number of sixty, with all the servants and 
officers, and all the bedding goods and all the household stuff 
which were carried away to the great Hospital at Kilmain- 
ham (lately founded by Charles II.) for their wounded sol- 
diers.'"' No funds were granted to the school by the new 
regim.e, and up to this time it had been kept alive only by 
subscriptions collected by Moland the steward and the chap- 
lain, Thomas King ; the latter was now imprisoned and kept 
there ten weeks, " for no other reason," as he says, " but to 
disable him from attending the charge of the Hospital, and 
out of malice, because Mr. Moland and he by borrowing 
money and the charity of good Christians kept the Hospital 
from dissolving till it was done by force." 

^ Hospital Minute Book. 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 iii 

There was a meeting of the Jacobite governors in January, 
1690, and a final meeting in March, Terence M'Dermott, 
Lord Mayor, in the chair, but these were held only to appoint 
Thomas Hewlett as agent and steward in Moland's room, with 
an order to the latter to deliver up the Charter and all the 
books of laws, orders, property, and accounts, and Hewlett is 
directed to take charge of all the outstanding debts and rents 
of the endowments. 

King William was now expected in Ireland, and Louis sent 
over a French contingent of 7,000 men to the army of James^'^ 
then, as our minute book has it, " the Hospital was by King 
James given to the French to be an hospital for their wounded 
officers and soldiers, and so continued till the Rout of the 
Boyne, then they hastily forsook the same, and the old 
governors re-entering, found great quantities of linen and 
bedding the French had left behind them, which the 
governors intended to use in lieu of the household stuff 
formerly taken away by the Lord Tyrconnell, but these 
were ordered by the new Lords Justices to be removed to 
the Hospital of Kilmainham.^^ For when W^illiam entered 
Dublin on the morrow of tlie battle, the place was a 
chaos, and was now occupied as a corn store for the 
victorious army. 

All things now changed ; the Ins were Outs and the dread 
policy of Vae Victis which had raged three years swung to 
the other side to harden into penal laws. Sir Chas. Porter 
resumed as Chancellor, vice Fitton ; Reynell became Chief 
Justice of the King's Bench, vice Nugent ; Sir Richard Pyne 
of the Common Pleas, vice Keating ; and Hely, Chief Baron, 
vice Rice. Our exiled governors returned, ^lotley became 
Lord Mayor to September, succeeded then by Otterington, 
\^an Flomrigh, who, as a Dutchman was persona "rata to 
William, was made commissioner of the public revenues. 
But it was not till May, 1691, the governors could meet in 
the Blue Coat, and all was a scene of dilapidation still. 
Allen and Ram, back from exile, were there, and several 

'■'See Minute Book 21st Septembtr, 1694. 
1^ Gilbert's Calendar, 5, iviii. 


other displaced members : but the spirit of patronage is 
strong in spite of ruins, the board had before them a letter 
from Archbishop Francis Marsh of Dublin, also a late 
refugee, and from Thomas Conyngsby, one of the new Lords 
Justices, pressing for the appointment of Mr. Francis Higgins 
as chaplain. Conyngsby, who had been member for Leo- 
minster, and who Macaulay calls a busy and unscrupulous 
Whig, had accompanied William and fought by his side at 
the Boyne ; left behind at the Castle in high places of trust, 
which it is said he abused. He was nevertheless ennobled 
here, and afterwards advanced in the peerage in England. The 
reply of the governors to these letters was that taking into 
consideration the low estate and condition of the Hospital, 
the Lord Mayor and Governors cannot, at present, maintain 
a chaplain, nor is there as yet any occasion for such a person 
to be employed therein. 

In spring, 1692, the school being still uninhabitable, poor 
Thomas King, our late imprisoned chaplain, wrote to the 
Board, detailing his losses, as quoted above, and asking 
some relief. The governors had then no assets available, but 
they assigned over to him in lieu of his unpaid salary, the 
£30 payable by Doctor William King, who had just been 
consecrated Bishop of Derry, and who was his uncle. He, too, 
had been imprisoned by Tyrconnell twice in the Castle, for he 
was leader of the opposition and a fighting man. He was then 
Dean of Christ Church, andon King William's entry he preached 
the sermon in Christ Church in the King's presence. It is said 
that when sending him to Derry, His Majesty, who seldom 
joked, asked him what was the difference between them, 
and the Bishop failing to answer the riddle, explained " you 
are William King, but I am King William." We shall have 
to refer to King again when Archbishop of Dublin and one 
of our greatest governors. He now at once honoured our 
assignment of the £30. He was generous to a fault, and is 
noticed in our books as the only prelate who at this time 
paid the ^^30 tax in lieu of consecration feasts. 

It was not till April, 1692, the governors could appoint as 
chaplain, Mr. Thomas Hemsworth; they were seeking to collect 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 113 

their arrears and debt to rehabilitate the house, but owing 
to the desolation of the country, they were forced to remit 
much. There is an entry in May that the circumstances of 
the several tenants in the late troublesome times, differ much 
from each other, some being forced to fly from their habita- 
tion, whilst others lived all the while in their houses and were 
not sharers in the late calamities, and the agent is, therefore, 
empowered, if it appear that their losses and suffering have 
been great, to make an abatement as he shall think reason- 
able, not exceeding one year and a half. 

Though the Hospital was still in a wretched condition, 
the governors, in July, brought back twelve of the children 
expelled nearly three years before, and a few weeks after- 
wards admitted twenty new boys. Big people again took 
an interest in the School, one of the recommendations for 
admission is by Sir Richard Reynell. and one by Lady 
Porter, the Lord Chancellor's wife. Mr. Hemsworth, the 
chaplain, was now appointed schoolmaster also, his salary 
was slightly raised, though many of the arrears were now 
pronounced desperate, and the Board were still struggling 
hard to make the buildings inhabitable whilst most of their 
rents were in arrear. 

In their straits at this time the governors had unchecrful 
relations with the greatest scholar of the times, Dr. Dudley 
Loftus, polyglot writer in twenty tongues, who was then the 
most learned orientalist in Europe. Syriac, Armenian, 
Ethiopic, to say nothing of Hebrew, to him were alike familiar ; 
then he was a great Jurist, a Theologian, and an Antiquary. 
Some might say much learning had made him mad, and one did 
say : — '' he never knew so much learning in the keeping of a 
fool," but he had mother wit enough for, successively, 
royalist, Cromwellian, royalist again, Jacobite, andWilliamite, 
he lived in Dublin through the revolution, and on under 
William, respected by all the five regimes. He was Crom- 
well's judge advocate-general, and Charles H.'s vicar- 
general. But he owed King's Hospital £800, for which they 
threatened to sue him in 1692 ; it was still due when he died 
in 1695, and was only realized far in Arme's time, our books 



through all the interval being dotted with entries of his 
arrears. It might be too much to expect that one who wrote 
reams in Ethiopian could think of such small things as debts. 
Our security was his house on the Blind (now Essex Qua}/), 
where he lived and wrote ; money was very scarce ; 3'et he 
left a fortune. He was a cadet of the eminent family, 
descended from Adam Loftiis, Queen Elizabeth's Primate, 
ancestor of the Marquises of Ely, and his brother was owner 
of Rathfarnham Castle, the seat of the Marquises till 
Victoria's reign. ^- 

In the year 1692 an apparent source of revenue was 
granted to the Hospital, which illustrates some of the then 
conditions of the city. The coal ships were still discharged 
at Ringsend, whence the cargoes were still carried up river 
in gabbards to the Wood and the Merchants' Quay, where 
only they were allowed to land. The merchants hod now 
combined to delay the gabbards in the tideway and on the 
quay, refusing to sell till they had unduly raised the market 
prices, so the city passed ordinances creating two new land- 
ing quays, Ormonde and Arran, which marks the extension 
of the town on the north side, and compelling the merchants 
to discharge at one of these four wharves within six days 
under penalty of two shillings per ton per day demurrage, 
one half of which was assigned to the Blue Coat. These 
merchants had further charged exorbitantly for the carriage 
from Ringsend ; they were now confined to twelve pence per 
ton under penalty of thrice that sum for extorting more, one 
half of which was likewise assigned to our Hospital. This, 
however, brought little present income, if it ever brought 
any. Meanwhile little could be done, and the meetings of 
the Board for two years were few and far between. But in 
1693-94 Sir John Rogerson was Lord Mayor and our Chair- 
man, and one of the most eminent of our citizens in his long 
public life. He found the shock of the revolution still 
paralyzing the Hospital structurally and financially, as it 
continued to do during all the reign of William. In this year 

12 There is an admirable sketch of Dr. W. Lofuis' career in (4eorge Stokes, 
Some Irish Worthies oj the Itish Church. 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 115 

there were fourteen meetings of the governors, at aU of which 
he presided. The front of the Hospital was so mutilated 
that it was essential to replace it, and the governors them- 
selves subscribed for the restoration ; the royal arms of 
William and Mary were erected with an inscription " Anno 
Domini, 1694. This frontispiece was rebuilt at tlie charge 
of the benefactors. Sir John Rogerson, then Lord Mayor, 
John Page, and Robert Twigg, Sheriff." But all our endow- 
ments were in arrear, the building on St. Stephen's Green 
had ceased during the troubles, and the rents on the Lotts 
belonging to the Hospital were in arrear, as were those of the 
the tythes of Mullingar, the Dean's orchard, the Oxmantown, 
and the Nodstown estates and were either irrecoverable or 
could only be reached by large abatements and reduced rents 
in the future. The Earl of Roscommon who had undertaken 
the block between Hume Street and Merrion Row, could not 
pay, and asked the governors to accept a surrender, and when 
the new tenant of Nodstown was trying to rally he was sued 
in a writ of dower by a Dam.e Upton, claiming as widow of 
the man who had sold the estate to Gyles Martyn our bene- 
factor years before. This, the governors, of course, must 
defend, they held the claim to be vexatious and false, and 
the minute states the direction of counsel that the Hospital 
sliould plead that the doweress had never been married. Tlie 
litigation went on for years, and though it came to naught 
it added to burdens already scarce bearable. Rogerson 
dealt with them bravely, liberal arrangements were made 
with all our debtois in which he was well aided by Nehemiah 
Donellan, our new Recorder, who now came vice Thomas 
Coote, appointed by the restored regime in 1690, and now 
advanced to the King's Bench. Then the Board petitioned 
the Lords Justices setting forth their losses of the last six 
years, as detailed above, which prevent them fulfilling their 
duty under the charter to the Hospital built for three 
hundred children ; they enclose a copy of the ordinance of 
the Privy Council of 1679 as to the Consecration Feasts, nnd 
pray that this may be now revived and reinforced, as the 
newly made prelates had ceased to pay, saving only William 

it6 foundation OF THE KING'S HOSPITAL 

King, the new Bishop of Derry. The Privy Council assembled 
and in September, 1694, passed an order in Council accord- 
ingly. This is signed by Lord Chancellor Porter, Narcissus 
Marsh, now Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir Richard Reynell, 
now Chief Justice of the King's Bench. 

This year was appointed one of the best officers the 
Hospital has ever enjoyed ; Bartholomew Wybrants, 
steward and agent, vice Thomas Howard, who had broken 
down under the stress of the troublous times. Wybrants 
held ofiice for thirty-six years and will be referred to again. 

A curious entry of this year marks the care then taken of 
the religious training of the pupils. An order directs the 
schoolmaster and the porter " to take them each Monday 
morning to Christ Church to prayers in a decent and orderly 
manner. The nurses to take care that their heads be 
combed, their clothes clean, shoes tied, stockings and 
garters." Tlie state of the chapel made this necessary. 

The entries in 1695-97 deal chiefly with things of routine, 
for the Board was still crippled from want of income. Our 
chairmen were successively Lord Mayors, George Blackball, 
WiUiam Watt, and Wilhani Billington. Donnellan, the 
Recorder, was chosen a Baron of the Exchequer, of which 
he was made chief in 1703, and Sir William Handcock now 
becamxe our Recorder in his stead. One entry in 1696 may 
be noticed as bearing on discussions of the Board in our own 
time as to the limit of age in retaining pupils, sixteen having 
been adopted by the governors for many years. This entry 
directs that seventeen years should be the limit. Modern 
ideas recognize this as essential if boys are to be trained 
beyond the mere elements, and it has been again adopted 
in our Hospital in the last few years. 

But 1697-8 was a notable twelve months. Bartholomew 
Van Homrigh was now Lord Mayor and proved to be one of 
the most notable of our chairmen. He, like Rogerson, 
presided at every one of the many meetings of the Board 
in his year. Being an eminent shipowning merchant himself, 
he strenuously promoted the training of boys in the mathe- 
matics essential for navigation as already encouraged in the 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., i()85-r702 117 

School by the Merchants' Guild ; order is given that every 
boy should be thus trained, wlio, on examination, was found 
capable of learning. At this time, Mr. Henry Osborne, of 
Dardistown, Co. Meath, gave the Hospital £i;0oo which had 
far-reaching consequences. He gave it by a deed reserving 
to himself and his heirs for ever the nomination of ten boys, 
and to this the governors assented, for they sorely then 
needed /i,ooo. At his death many years later he devised 
this right to the Lord Bishop of Meath and liis successors. 
It is very doubtful whether the governors had any power 
thus to alienate to strangers their duty as trustees over 
admissions, and further whether under the reservation to 
his own heirs he could treat it as a fee simple, devisable to 
an ecclesiastic corporation, but the governors have ever 
since loyally adhered to the bargain, and honoured the 
nominations of the Bishop of Meath to the present day. 
For a single gift of £1,000 hundreds of boys have been 
trained free during the two centuries since elapsed. It is 
satisfactory to know that these episcopal nominations have 
been well selected almost always. Osborne was a persona 
gratis si ma with the governors, they asked to have his portrait 
painted and placed in the Hospital for ever.^3 This honour be 
declines in a quaintly gracious letter ; " such preserving of 
memories," he says, " are due only to princes and great men ; 
if extended to some benefactors others would expect it, and if 
only given to some, he humbly asks to be excepted." " I am old," 
he adds, " and going to the place where such things are 
forgotten, and desire I may do it silently." Then he pro- 
mises to befriend the Hospital in the future. By his will he 
left it a large legacy of £1,500, which, however, appears 
never to have been received. Perhaps this promise was an 
element in the governor's gratitude. This £1,000 throws 
light on the then financial state of the city. Part of its 
estate had been mortgaged, there was no money to redeem 
the debt for which the city paid eighty pounds 3'carly, so 
the corporation applied to our governors to lend them this 
Osborne £1,000. Van Hom.righ and the Board assented, 

!■' Minute, 24 March, 1703. 


they to have eight per cent on the loan, which gave the School 
for many years a virtual annuity of eighty pounds. 

In 1698 we have the first admission to the School of a son 
of one of the French refugees, Stephen Verger. They now 
formed a considerable colony here ; they were industrious, 
useful, citizens, and were welcomed. The city rolls give the 
names of more than 150 admitted to the freedom of the city 
by special grace, with full libert}- to trade, and in our journal 
through the next fifty years it is interesting to note the great 
numiber of our boys who were apprenticed to silk and ribbon 
weaving, and the serge and poplin manufacture, introduced 
by these skilful Frenchmen, whose work. Swift, a century 
afterwards, so laboured to promote througli Queen Caroline 
in London. 

In 1694 the French Emigrees purchased, for their 
Cemetery, Lott No. 10 on the north side of St. Stephen's 
(jreen. The price was £16. They thus became the tenants 
of the Blue Coat, in so far as they became subject to the 
head rent granted to the School as its original endowment. 
Mr. T. P. Le Fanu has kindly given the writer some interest- 
ing notes on tliis subject. 

Van Homrigh left his mark on the city. Through the 
favour of his countryman, William, he now held high office 
in the state. He was M.P. for Derry city from 1692-95, and 
in this, 1698, we find him enrolled as one of the first members 
of the Dublin Philosophical Society, m founded by William 
Molyneux. He used his royal favour by petitioning the 
Government that the ancient, loyal and metropolitan city 
of Dublin, might, in everlasting memory of the great services 
of William III. to its Protestant inhabitants, and as a mark 
of his royal grace and favour, be honoured with a collar of 
SS. and His Majesty's effigies on a medal to be worn by the 
Mayor of tlie city. The King was then in Flanders, and there 
at his court at Loo, on the 28 Oct., 1697, he signed a royal 
warrant under which the Lords Justices here were to 
authorize the making of the collar and medal as prayed 
to be presented to Bartholomew Van Homrigh, Lord Mayor 

^■' Dr. Stokes' Woythics of the Irish Church, p. 140. 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 iiq 

of Dublin, to be worn by him during his continuance in office 
and by the succeeding Mayors for ever as it has since ever 
been. The cost, £770, was to be paid out of the Irish revenue 
and collar and medal were " to be made in England by the 
most able and skilful artists in things of this kind." ^' The 
medal was executed by James Roettier, and is considered 
one of the finest of his works. On the obverse is a bust of 
tho King in armour, and inscribed in capitals : — " Gulielmus 
Tertius. D.G. Mag. Brit. Fran, et Hib. Rex, James R. fecit." 
On the reverse : — " Gulielmus III. antiquam et fidelum 
Hiberni?e IMetropolin hoc Indulgentire Suae Munere Ornavit 
Barth Van Homrigh Arm. Urb. PrcTtore, MDCXCVIII." 
After paying for collar and medal, there was a surplus of 
£250, and this, in July, 1701, the city voted should be applied 
for the purchase of three gold chains for the Ma3^or and 
Sheriffs of the city in succession. " They to give security for 
the re-delivery of them as usual." Gold chains are tempting. 
The former SS. Chain, presented to the City by Charles II. 
had been abstracted bv somebody in the revolutionary 

In Van Homrigh's year the city may be said to have been 
lighted for the first time. Hitherto there were but a few 
lanterns in the principal streets, and these were put out at 
nine o'clock, when, as if a curfew tolled, the shops were 
closed. Now a plan was adopted following that in use in 
Holland and in London, from Kensington to Whitehall, for 
erecting lights in all the streets and lanes at intervals of from 
six to eight houses, which burned from six to twelve o'clock 
through all the winter months. There were then presumably 
few burglars in Dublin, for we do not find much record of 
felonies, and yet the city was in darkness from midnight to 

So much for Van Homrigh. His name has been made 
classic by Swift's Cadesus and Vanessa, which surround it 
with the glamour of a sad romance. 

Of 1698-9 we have little to record. Thomas Quin, Lord 
Mayor, was our chairman. Our chaplain, Rev. Thomas 

'•''' Gilbert's Calendar, 6, viii. 


Hemsvvorth, now gently announced that he intended chang- 
ing his condition, which the then rule enforcing cehbacy and 
residence forbade. But lie soon after obtained preferment, 
and in the beginning of 1700 resigning, the Rev. Charles Can 
became chaplain and schoolmaster, but under strictly ex- 
pressed conditions that he was to hold under the same 
obligations as to celibacy residence, the entertaining of the 
boys, the preaching in the chapel, expressed in the Order of 
i6(Si, when Benjamin Colquit was appointed, and on these 
terms his name was sent by the governors for confirmation 
by Archbishop Narcissus Marsh, pursuant to the Charter. 

The new century opened well for the Hospital, our chair- 
man and Lord Mayor, 1699-1700, was Sir Anthony Percy. 
Our finances were at last improving, and the governors now 
raised the number of the boys to eighty. A legacy of 1^600 
bequeathed by the late Chief Baron Bysse, was now paid in, 
and by Lord Mayor Percy's aid, was lent to the city, which 
was still deeply in debt, and who now agreed to pay the 
Hospital an annuity at eight per cent, or forty-eight pounds, 
whilst the loan rem.ained outstanding. Percy's mayoralty 
has left a memorable mark in Dublin. Under him the 
Assembly resolved to erect a statue of M'^illiam III. in copper 
or mixed metal. A contract was made under authority of 
the Lord Mayor, with the celebrated sculptor, Grinling 
Gibbons, for £800. Gibbons or Gibbon, Evelyn gives it both 
ways, was discovered by the great Diarist in 1670, in a 
wretched shanty near Deptford, carvmg a splendid copy of 
Tintoietto's Crucifix, and he at once perceived the man's 
genius. He introduced him to his friend, King Charles, as 
" this incomparable young man ; " he proved to be the 
greatest wood sculptor England has ever seen, and the most 
prolific : he was a great statuary, too. His works still adorn 
many of the great cathedralsedilia andstalls,andmany palaces 
and houses. From Evelyn alone we have notes of his deco- 
rating Windsor, St. James's, Whitehall, and of his equestrian 
statue of Charles II. On ist July, 1701, anniversary of the 
Boyne, his statue of William was inaugurated in College 
Green, the ceremonial, as witnessed by a contemporary, is 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685-1702 121 

described in the preface of the sixth vohime of Sir John 
Gilbert's Calendar. All the civic authorities were there, with 
the military and city bands, grenadiers, militia, and crowds 
immense. At the statue they received the Lords Justices 
in State, Archbishop Narcissus Marsh, and the Earls of 
Drogheda and Mount Alexander. Then all marched together 
thrice, nobility and gentry joining in, all uncovered. Kettle- 
drums, trumpets, and all kinds of music resounded from a 
stage liard by. Then our Recorder, Handcock, made a 
florid oration setting forth the great deeds of the King, after 
which there was a volley from the great guns. Then the 
Lords Justices, the nobility and gentry, with the Provost and 
Fellows of Trinity College, were entertained by the Lord 
Mayor in an improvised building, and when the King's 
health was drunk the grenadiers fired the great guns again, 
and hogsheads of claret with baskets of cakes were opened 
for the multitude. The great people then adjourned to the 
Mansion House, where the Lord Mayor gave a splendid 
banquet, ladies being present, and the night closed with 
fireworks, ringing of bells, illuminations and bonfires. A 
tablet on the north side of the statue is inscribed : — Inclio- 
atum An. Dom. MDCC. Antonio Percy Equite Aurato 
Praetore, Carolo Forrest, Jocob Barlow vice Comites. 
Absolutum An. Dom. MDCCL Marco Rainsford equite 
aurato Praetore Johanne Eccles Rudolpho Gore, vice 

Sir John Gilbert states that the execution of this statue 
by Grinling Gibbons had been unnoticed previous to the 
publication of his Calendar. The inaugural ceremonial 
throws light on the periodic march of the College students 
around the statue on festival days in the two centuries 
since elapsed. Our modern crowds would bear this more 
patiently, perhaps, if the wine were flowing and the cakes 
were throwing as on that ist July, 1701. 

In this year two ex officio governors were added to the 
Board. The Masters, Wardens, and Brothers of the Trinity 
Guild of Merchants, voted £24 a year to the Hospital in con- 
sideration of having three nominations of boys so long as this 


annuity continued. The then Masters of the Guild, Joseph 
James, and Thomas Pleasants, were at once co-opted as 
Governors during their term of office, to be succeeded by 
their successors. Masters for the time being. In the next year, 
1701, SamAiel Walton, being Lord Mayor and our Chair- 
man, the Master and two Wardens of St. Anne's Guild, 
Charles Wallis, Christopher Borr, and John Quin, were 
similarly co-opted, ex officio, that Guild having voted £40' 
a year to the Hospital some time before. 

In 1701, Sir W. Handcock, the Recorder, died, and John 
Forster was chosen in his stead. One of the first duties of his 
active Recordership, was to draw up the address of con- 
dolence on the death of King William the Third, " of blessed 
memory," and of loyal congratulation to the new Queen Anne.. 
The address is given in full in Sir J. Gilbert's Calendar. ^^^ It 
bears date only five days after the King's demise, on the 
8 March, 1702. 

Osborne's gift brought to the Blue Coat the association 
of names much loftier than his. The gift was inspired by his 
friend, William Molyneux, philosopher, patriot, mathe- 
matician, metaphysician, the correspondent of Locke, who 
said he was proud to call him his friend. Representative of 
the family of Castle Dillon, Armagh, he was now M.P. for 
Dublin. Sent, when young, to report to the Government 
scientifically on the fortresses of Holland menaced by Louis, 
he was made, on his return, a fellow of the newly formed 
Royal Society, and came home ambitious to form a similarly 
great institution here. In 1653, he, accordingly, formed 
the Dublin Philosophical Society, which, though broken up 
and exiled in James II. 's revolution, ultimately evolved into 
the Royal Dublin Society as it now exists, for restored from 
exile, after the Boyne, he resumed his scientific labours, and 
also entered the field of politics, wherein, too, he attained 
high fame. Our governors, grateful for his services in the 
Osborne gift, elected him a governor, and we find him at our 
Board in April, 1698, sitting beside his friend, Bartholomew 
Van Homrigh, then Lord Mayor. It was in this year he 

i« Vol. 6, 262. 

TEMP. JAMES II. AND WILLIAM III., 1685 1702 123 

published his famous Case of Ireland Stated, oft quoted even 
now, but he sat little in public places again ; he died in the 
following October, He brought witli him to our Ploard, his 
])rother-in-law, Dr. John Madden, and his brother, Thomas,, 
whose scientific eminence approached liis own. Madden 
and Thomas j\Iol3aieux were amongst the most distin- 
guished physicians of the day. They had been colleagues 
of William in the founding of the Dublin Philosophical, 
whicli Thomas lived to see merged in the Royal Dublin 
Society, and helped the merger. He was physician-general 
to the army in Ireland, and was made a baronet in 1730. 
Dr. JMadden, when becoming a governor, most generoush'' 
offered his services as standing physician to the School. He 
is ancestor of the Right Hon. Mr. Justice Madden, \icQ- 
Chancellor of T.C.D., and was father of Dr. Samuel Madden, 
the eminent scholar and founder of the great fellowship 
premium in his University. 

The names of Molyneux and Madden recall the connection 
with the King and Queen's College of Physicians, 
inaugurated by them, which existed for very many years 
aftei, and which adds a memorable grace to the Annals of 
the Blue Coat. Dr. John Madden had been President of the 
College in 1694, 1697, and in 1700. Sir Thomas IMolyneux 
held the same position four times, in 1702, 1709, 1713 and 
1720, and was a Governor of our School in all these years. 
In 1717 the Blue Coat Board passed a resolution that all 
Presidents of the College, for the time being, should be 
ex oificio Governors. Of these Dr. Br\'an Robinson, President 
in 1708, 1727 and 1739, and Dr. William Harvey, President 
in 1784, 1791, 1797, 1802 and 1814, were in turn the acting 
medical officers of our Hospital. 

Our chairmen in King William's reign, were. Lord 
Mayors, 1690-1, John Otterington ; 91-2-3, Sir Michael 
Mitchell ; 93-4, Sir John Rogerson ; 94-5, George Blackball ; 
95-6, William Watt ; 96-7, Wm. Billington ; 97-8, Bartholo- 
mew Van Homrigh ; 98-9, Thomas Quin ; 99-700, Anthony 
Percy ; 1701-2, Samuel Walton. 


During the revolution, and for some years after, the 
extension of the city was checked, for its chiefs were more 
occupied in fiUing the wastes already taken in than in enclos- 
ing others. In 1699, reciting the great increase of the city 
" which is now much greater in the suburbs than within the 
walls," the Assembly resolve that the ancient gates are now 
of little use or security, and so decree that the old Damas 
gate, the principal entrance to the city, shall be pulled down, 
as some others have been by toleration of the Government." 
So down went the historic approach to the Castle through 
which the Piantagenet pageants had passed.^/ Reform is 
ruthless, yet the Order vindicates its vandalism, stating the 
entrance to be uphill, and only nine feet across, whilst the 
removal \^iil give fourteen feet at Crane Lane, and so let two 
carriages pass. Crane Lane to-day where Dame Street 
narrows at the Lower Castle Yard, marks the site of the 
mediaeval tower. 

1' Gilbert's Calendar, 6, 222. 

[ 125 ] 


1702-1 7 14. TEMP. QUEEN ANNE. 

An entry in our books in Queen Anne's first year, indicates 
that she acknowledged the loyal address of the City by a 
royal gift to King's Hospital. It runs : "^200 given b}^ 
the Queen out of the quarter's vacancy of the Primacy.'^ 
This is noteworthy, as suggesting a remnant of the Pre- 
rogative by which during the vacancy of a See or Diocese 
its revenues vested in the Crown. It was by this assumed 
right, William Rufus left bishoprics vacant for years, 
seizing the income meanwhile, and this led to his murder, 
for murder it was, in the New Forest. When King Henry 
VIII. became Caput Ecclesiasticum, this prerogative again 
attached to the supremacy and went to his successors, and 
it was used by Charles II., when needy, or his ladies were 
greedy. In December, 1702, Primate Michael Boyle died 
after a reign at Armagh of twenty-four years, and in Spring 
Narcissus Marsh was appointed. Dr. Wm. King of Derry 
being translated to Dublin. Thus there was a vacancy of 
three months, during which Dr. King administered the 
revenues under the Crown, and probably prompted our 
royal gift. The loyal city for some time afterwards styled 
our School, " The Queen's Hospital." One of Anne's 
best, because sincerest, characteristics, was her devotion 
to the Church, as evinced by Queen Anne's Bounty, and the 
surrender to the Church of the First Fruits or first year's 
revenue of benefices which Henr}^ had taken from the 
Pope in his own supremacy. This grace was soon after 
conferred by the Queen on the Church of Ireland, mainly 
owing to Swift's mission and exertions. 

King's Hospital just now obtained a parish church 
with parochial rights. Hitherto St. Michan's covered 


the whole north side of the river from the Park to the 
North Strand, with houses few and far between. But after 
the Restoration the City spread, and many nobles now had 
villas in Oxmantown. By Statute of 9 William III., c. 16, 
reciting that from the late increase of buildings and inhabi- 
tants in the Parish of St. Michan's in tlic suburbs of Dublin 
the cure of souls had become too great for a single minister, 
it was divided into three — St. PauTs, taking Oxmantown 
Green from the Park to Smithfield, St. Mary's, extending 
east from Capel Street to the sea, the centre being reserved 
to the mother parish, St. Michan's. In 1702, St. Paul's was 
ready for consecration. At this ceremonial a deed of gift 
in perpetuity was always exhibited which on the petition 
of the new Parish, the City now gi anted, but thereby 
reserved "a seat in the Church for the Lord Mayor and his 
successors, and a place for the Blew Boys of King Charles's 
Hospital," which then lay almost adjacent to the new 
Parish Church. Dr. Ezekiel Burridge was first rector of 
St. Paul's — he was one of our benefactors. 

As its own Chapel and Chaplain were part of its Chartered 
Constitution, the Blue Coat did not often need to claim its 
statutory rights in St. Paul's, though the boys were sometimes 
sent there when our chapel was not available. And when 
in 1821 St. Paul's was being re-built, our governors granted 
the Blue Coat Chapel to be used temporarily as the parish 
church, in response to a memorial from the Rev. ]\Ir. Radcliffe 
the rector of St. Paul's. 

This year the number of boys was increased to 82, the 
patronage of the two city guilds proved a great stimulus to 
the Governors and the staff. The tiaining in mathematics 
was specially committed to Moland, our steward, who was 
■also surveyor and accountant of the Corporations and to 
Mead, our second master, who was with us from the 
beginning, and who was this year specially thanked by the 
Board, and his salary raised. The Trinity Guild of 

Merchants recognised the carrying out of the p(.)hcy by 
raising their annual contribution to the Hospital to /50, 
which they paid for many years. In 171 the}^ by leave 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 127 

of the Governors, formed a Mathematical class-room in a 
gallery of the Hospital, they had a Navigation school ot 
their own, and in 1711 arranged with our board to train in 
this, four of our best lads, sending to our class four boys 
of their own nomination, and a few years after they gave 
a further grant of £20 yearly for a master to teach eight 
of our boys the art of navigation. 

The return of Archbishop King to Dublin was a 
momentous event for oui Hospital, for the many 3^ears in 
which as buildei of churches, reformer of abuses in church 
and state, organiser of charities, promoter of education, 
he wrought with a generous energy which has never been 
rivalled, up to his death in 1729. ^ His influence operated 
everywhere, for with the Corporation it was immense. 
We can trace it thus early, though unseen, in the advance 
our School now makes. In 1704 all our boys were trained 
in Church music systematically, and we find them two years 
after placed under a skilled musician, Neville Fane. This 
step taken two centuries ago in a Dublin Charity School, 
is noteworthy, when we think of how little the example 
has been followed since, or even in these days of universal 
education of all classes in all things. This, with the progress 
of our Mathematical classes, brought us new governors, 
as always happened when the school throve. The Hon. 
Sir Charles Fielding, Colonel of the King's Regiment of 
Guards, and a Privy Councillor, now joined the board. He 
was brother of the Third Eail of Denbigh, and grand-uncle 
of the great novelist, Henry Fielding. At his deatii a few 
years afterwards he left us a legacy. With him came 
William, second Viscount Charlemont, to remain a governor 
for the rest of his life. Then we have nominations by the 
Duchess of Ormond, the wife of the Lord Lieutenant, second 
Duke ; she was Mary, daughter of the Duke of Beaufort ; 
and by the Lord Chancellor, Sir Richard Cox. 

And yet at this time we find the sequelae of the Revolu- 
tion still seriously weakening us in the general want of 

1 On his return his nephew, Thos. King, our Old Chaplain, Tyrconnell's 
prisoner, was chosen Prebendary of Swords in S. Patrick's Cathedral. 


money ; our waste grounds in Stephen's Green and Oxman- 
town still unbuilt on, and our rents of these and through 
the country deeply in arrear, owing to what are now called 
the late troublous times. So our governors were obliged 
to look out on all sides for ways and means. 

A source of income had been devised by letting the great 
hall for public entertainments : this was now put an end to. 
A rope dancer had given us one benefit night in 1703 for 
the use of the hall, which yielded just £20, but the Governors 
decreed that—" such diversions were very prejudicial to 
good government, causing the boys to be disorderly, to 
break the glass windows and cause scandal," — so the rope 
dancing ceased, doubtless much to the disgust of our boys^ 
and a Board Order forbade the future letting of the Hall 
save by special leave of the Governors. This seems to have 
been given some time after, when the great Italian Opera 
singer, Nicolini, came to Dublin. He had taken London by 
storm, he was the Mario of his day, and was known in 
Naples as Cavaliere Nicolini, and Addison pronounces him 
the greatest performer in dramatic music then living, or 
that perhaps ever appeared on our stage, but our Governors 
did not appreciate the memory this celebrity would leave 
to King's Hospital ; though he gave them a benefit night 
which fetched £40, they treated his performance as they 
had done that of the poor nameless acrobat, for in December, 
171 1, the Board resolved that the use of the hall for such 
purposes had given great offence, and that it should never 
again be employed for " Musick Meetings," or public diversions 
of any kind. But the loss from this source was paitly 
compensated. There was then a usage that each newly 
co-opted alderman should give a feast to the Lord Mayor 
and his fellows in our boardroom, not in the Tholsel. Thomas 
Bell being Lord Mayor and chairman, it was ordered that 
the three late chosen aldermen and all their successors 
should in lieu of the banquet pay £10 to the Hospital, and 
this usage continued for many years. 

At this time, too, the medical care of the School was placed 
upon a systematic basis, and the connexion with the K. and 

TEMP. QUEEN AXNE, 1702-1714 129 

Q. College of Physicians confirmed which lasted for generations, 
to the lasting honour of the College, whose generosity to our 
Hospital was beyond all praise. Their original charter bore 
nearly equal date with ours. Their royalty, like ours, comes 
from Charles IL Foi ten years past the Surgeon-General, 
Dr. Proby, had taken medical charge of the School gratui- 
tously ; in 1705 he was obliged to discontinue for a time, and 
a special meeting of our Board was held, and very largely 
attended. Proby was called in, and the Lord Mayor conveyed 
to him the thanks of the Governors for his great charity in 
taking care of the sick and distempered children for all those 
years. He was thereupon elected a Governor, and took his 
seat then and there, promising to continue his good offices so 
far as possible. Dr. Minchin, who had acted in his absence, 
was also thanked, and a resolution passed to attend at the 
College of Physicians and ask that they might be pleased 
to allow one of their Fellows always, by turns, to afford their 
charitable advice to the children as occasion should require. 
In March, 1706, Dr. Grattan, the President, conveyed to the 
Board the decision of the College that they were so charitably- 
disposed as to give their advice and assistance to the Hos- 
pital on all occasions gratis, and would take care that one of 
their members should every three months by turns constantly 
visit the School ; and they asked that three of the waste 
rooms should now be set apart as an Infirmary, and this was 
done. The names of Grattan and Minchin have been honor- 
ably represented in the medical profession of Dublin through 
many years, nearly reaching to our own times. 

1706 witnessed a great movement in the making of Dublin 
which promised to be a signal aid to King's Hospital. The 
VI. Anne, c. 20, made Dublin for the first time a real Port. 
Reciting the miserable condition of the river estuary and 
consequent necessity of discharging the ships at Ringsend 
and carrying the cargoes up river through sandy shoals, this 
Act created a Ballast Office, which was in truth our first Port 
and Harbour Boaid ; its chief members were the Lord Mayor 
and aldermen. All ships were now obliged to take ballast 
from the estuary bed at a shilling per ton, with twopence per 



ton besides as harbour dues, foreign vessels being charged at 
higher rates ; and it was provided that the whole surplus 
revenue of the new board should be paid over towards the 
maintenance of the Blue Coat School. This apparently splendid 
subsidy, howevei, proved nugatory as such, for the operations 
of the Ballast Office throughout the century were so large 
and continuous in channelling the Liffey and construct- 
ing quays, that they not only never had a surplus, but were 
always heavily in debt. The provision, nevertheless, marks 
the high estimate in which our School was now publicly held, 
and its part in the life of the city, whose governors, as 
presently seen, gave the Hospital a considerable equivalent 
for the income that thus proved illusory. The proposed 
appropriation of the Port revenue to the city school was sup- 
ported in an address by the City Assembly to Prince George 
of Denmark, the Queen's Consort, then High Admiral of 
Great Britain and Ireland, on the ground that the boys were 
instructed in navigation to qualify them for Her Majesty's 
sea service.- 

What would our temperance reformers of to-da}' think of 
the governors who erected a brewery in King's Hospital to 
brew our own beer for our boys ? We may plead in mitigation, 
however, that it was only small beer. There were even then 
nearly seventy brewers in Dubhn ; they had suffered like 
other trades through the political convulsions. In the fever of 
these, in 1689, Tyiconnell's troopers had impressed their 
horses, with such a paralysis to trade and excise that the 
Jacobite Government had to stop their ov/n troopers by pro- 
clamation, and even now the small beer was dear. So our 
governors petitioned the Corporation, which was not then so 
strongly represented by " the Trade " as now, and, in 
January, 1707, the Assembly voted ;£ioo to the Hospital foi 
a brewhouse — " whereby the number of poor bovs main- 
tained therein may be encouraged in the frugal management 
of brewing their own drink."' ■' Our governor, Alderman Hen- 
drick, who lived close by, and from whom Hendrick Street is 
named, was commissioned to carry out the work. The 

- Gilbeit's Caloidar, 6, 274. ^ Gill)crt's Calenclay, C\ 36 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 131 

quality of our brewings may be understood by exports from 
an entry in our minutes directing that 18 barrels of beer shall 
be brewed from 8 barrels of malt. 

In 1707 Ezekiel Burridge, first rector of the new St. Paul's. 
died, and thereon en-^aed an unseemly quarrel, which affected 
our school routine for a time, and which throws curious light 
on the judicial system then in force. In May, 1708, there is 
an order of our Board directing Charles Cair, the chaplain, to 
preach every Friday morning and read prayers in the chapel, 
and in the afternoon to catechise the boys and read evening 
prayers, as provided by the original Order of 1675, and that 
for the future the boys should not continue to attend St. 
PauFs. This order they respited a few days after—" till the 
law suite between Mr. Carr and the Dean and Chapter of 
Christ Church be ended, provided it continue not more than 
six months ; " and this respite was afterwards extended, for 
the suit continued through ten long years. Our books give no 
further hint of the subject of dispute, those of Christ Church 
scarce more, and no trace can be found either in the Public 
Records Ofhce or the Irish Law Books. But a search has 
unearthed the story in Josiah Brown's reports of Cases in the 
English House of Lords, and shows it to be a first chapter of 
the fierce conflict which waged for sixteen years between the 
Dean and Chapter and Archbishop Kmg.4 Burridge died 
4th August, 1707, and on the selfsame day the Dean and 
Chapter, in indecent haste, nominated Revd. William 
Williamson rector, acting on the right of nomination reserved 
to them by the Act of 1696 ; executed the Instrument of 
Induction on the following day, and before Burridge was 
buried ; and certified their act to the Archbishop in Septem- 
ber. On Sunday, 9th November, Williamson came to St. 
Paul's and read the morning prayers ; but before he could 
read himself in according to law, our chaplain, Carr, shut the 
doors and excluded the congregation at evening service, and 
when Williamson proceeded again to officiate, Carr with both 
hands closed his eyes and mouth, and he was unable to read 

' For more of this quarrel, see Dr. George Sloke's Woyihic.'i of the Irish 
Church, Chapter X. 


himself in, a form then essential to perfect his title as rector, 
even if otherwise valid. This more than strong measure was 
manifestly dictated by the Archbishop in order to cast on 
Christ Church the burden of proving title, rather than forcing 
him to proceed against a rector de facto in possession, for the 
real objection to Williamson was that the Dean and Chapter 
had refused to present him for approval of the Archbishop as 
"Ordinary of the Arch-Diocese. The Dean was then Dr. Welborc; 
Ellis, Bishop of Kildare, so appointed in 1705. He was tiuly 
a lighting prelate. The contention of the Dean and Chapter 
was that, as the successors to the Abbey of the Holy Trinity, 
reconstituted by Henry VHL as a cathedral, the}' still had 
the old abbatial right to a jurisdiction of their own, free from 
that of the Archbishop, and extending over all the prebendary 
churches of the cathedral, of which Old St. Michan's was one, 
and that this right was preserved when the parish was divided 
into three under the words of the statute, which gives them 
the patronage of all three in such manner as the right of 
presentation to the old parish of St. Michan's had previously 
existed, and not otherwise ; or, as the lawyers expressed it, 
that their rights were donative, in their own free gift, and not 
presentativc and subject to the approval of the Ordinary' as 
all other parishes were. So, in 1708, they proceeded in the 
Irish Common Plea,s by a feigned plaintiff against Carr for 
the prevention and exclusion of Williamson, and his personal 
acts of the 9th November. The Common Pleas decided on 
full argument in favoui of Christ Church that the living 
was donative ; but an appeal then lay from them to the 
Irish Queen's Bench, who, on bill of exceptions and writ of 
error, unanimously reversed the Common Pleas. This was 
in Hilary^ 170Q. From the Irish Queen's Bench there was 
a similar right of appeal to the Queen's Bench in England, 
which was taken in 1712, and they unanimously affirmed the 
Queen's Bench here, but Christ Church still went on. They 
took the case to the English Lords, where it was argued in 
1717 at gi-eat length by great lawyers ; Constantine Phipps, 
Lord Chancellor here when the litigation began, but who had 
returned to the English Bar when superseded on the acces- 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 133 

sion of George I., was for Christ Church, and Raymond, the 
great lawyer and reporter, was counsel for Carr. The Lords 
unanimously affirmed the two Queen's Benches, and gave 
judgment for Carr, deciding that the Rectory was presen- 
tative, and that on the division into three parishes each 
became like all others in tlie city subject to the jurisdiction 
of the Metropolitan, the statute merely preserving the right of 
Christ Church to present, like other patrons. Three other 
contention? of the Dean and Chapter met a similar fate. On 
similar grounds they had denied the Archbishop's right to 
visit the Cathedral, and, locking the gates, compelled him to 
liold his visitation outside the west door. They also spurned 
his right to summon to his visitation the prebendaries of 
their cathedral stalls ; obliged Theophilus Harrison, rector 
of old St. John's, to refuse to attend them and to bring an 
action against the Archbishop ; they refused to admit the 
Archbishop's nephew, Archdeacon Dongat, to his ex- officio 
seat in the Chapter, unless he first swore canonical obedience 
to the Dean. All these ca\ises, like Carr's, went each to the 
four above-named tribunals, and in all twelve hearings the 
Archbishop prevailed, ha\-ing fifteen judgments in all against 
the single one against Carr on the original hearing in the 
Common Pleas. 

Meanwhile the Archbishop, as upon a lapse, had presented 
Dr. Carr to St. Paul's to hold along with his Blue Coat Head- 
mastership and chaplaincy, and it was thus he could not 
officiate on Sunday in our chapel — obliged to keep William- 
son out and himself in, at St. Paul's Church. He had now 
become a notable, and was appointed also Chaplain to the 
House of Commons, for the Archbisliop was a staunch friend. 
This Christ Church episode is more interesting to us from our 
relations in other things with the Dean Bishop Welbore Ellis ; 
during Anne's reign the name of Dean Pierre or Peter Drelin- 
court very often appears in our records as a governor and 
benefactor. He gave the Hospital £700 charge on the estate 
of Sir William Ellis, a relative of the bishop. This estate 
proved insolvent, and our governors were involved in litiga- 
tion with its representatives, of whom the bishop was one, to 


raise the cliarge, and it was only after several years that, in 
1709, when the Christ Church suit was at its height, the 
bishop compromised our claim, paying himself £500 to the 
Board. Though a fierce litigant, he did not resent the action 
of the Hospital ; his animus was against the Archbisho]). for, 
a Jacobite himself, he hated the Archbishop, who was an 
arch-William ite, and for a worse motive, because the Arch- 
bishop was bent on suppressing the abuses at Christ Church, 
many of which were flagrant, and which he has thus summed 
up: — " They live in opposition to all mankind except their- 
lawyers, squander their earnings, have turned their Chapter 
House into a tov shop, their vaults into wine cellars, and 
allowed a room in the body of the church, formerly for a ( rrand 
Jury room, now for a robe room, for the judges, and are 
greatly chagrined at my getting two or three churches built 
in the parishes belonging to them, which were formerl}^ 
neglected, as several others still are ; their Cathedral is in a 
pitiful condition, and they seem to have little regard to the 
good of the Church or the service of God. This has made me 
zealous to settle my jurisdiction over them, and the same 
makes them unwilling to come under it." These abuses 
could only plead prescription, for we have seen how toy shops 
and wine cellars had been denounced by Strafford and 
Primate Bramhall seventy years before ; and yet Bishop 
Ellis merits a kindly word here, for, after his final defeat in 
the St. Paul's case, he joined our Board in 1715, though Carr 
was still our chaplain, gave us £50 in 1720 and £50 in 1729 ; 
and when made Bishop of Kildare and Dean, he had paid his 
Consecration Feasts, £30, which so many other bishops were 
then very chary of doing. He died in 1731, Bishop of Meath 
and a Privy Councillor, and is ancestor of the Agar Ellises, 
Viscounts Clifden. He came from Oxfoid, where his portrait 
still hangs, imported to Ireland like so many bishops then, as 
so furiously denounced by Swift ; but he rests in Christ 
Church, headc|uarters of his lengthened wars. 

Dean Drelincouit's ^^700 was munificent, for he was him- 
self a refugef^ the son of a notable French Protestant 
Minister. He came here in 1681, and was made chaplain to 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 135 

the great Duke of Ormond and Precentor of Christ Church. 
Struck by the warm welcome his compatriots received from 
the city, he preached a famous sermon before the Lord Lieu- 
tenant and Privy Council there, to return^ as he said, the 
humble thanks of the French Protestants arrived in Dublin 
and graciously relieved ; and this sentiment was doubtless the 
motive of his gift to the City School. In 1691 he became 
Dean of Armagh, but still retained his connection with Christ 
Church and with our Board, loyally helping us to realise his 
gift. His correspondence with the governors, of whom he 
was an active one, exhibits the amiable personality whicli 
made him popular here and in Armagh. At tlie request of 
the governors, he sat for his portrait, which for several gene- 
rations decorated oui walls, but which has disappeared, we 
know not how. He died in 1722, Dean and Rector of 
Armagh, where his handsome monument in the cathedral 
preserves a worthy memory. His portrait was by Michael 
Mitchell, who painted many celebrities of the day, including 
that of George L presented by that king to the city, but which 
was cut to pieces in 1719 by unknown vandals, presumably 
Jacobites, who forcibly broke into the City Hall of the 
Tholsel by night. "^ 

In 1709 oui chairman and Lord Mayor was Sir William 
Fownes, one of the worthies and makers of Dublin. Fownes's 
Street was laid out by him, as was Cope Street hard by, 
which is named from his son-iu-la>\'. A ver\^ interesting 
letter of Fownes' to Swift, who many years after consulted 
him on his project foi Swift's Hospital, describes the con- 
dition of Dublin as regards the Insane, during the period of 
his mayorality, which is memorable for the presentation of 
the freedom by him of the city to ' ' the Right Honourable 
Joseph Addison, Esquire, Chief Secretary of State to the 
Lord Lieutenant of this Kingdom." He had come with Lord 
Wharton on his first visit to Ireland, but his lame had pie- 
ceded him. No other Secretary had till then been called "Chief," 
and he is perhaps the only one who has been publicly styled 
a Secretary of State. Amongst our benefactions at the 

■'• GilhpTt's CaJoular 7, viii. 


period were ;{400 by the will of Dr. Steevens, who also left 
;£6oo a year to found the Hospital called by his name, and 
which his sister, Madame Griselda Steevens, generously com- 
pleted in the following reign ; ;^ioo left b}^ Mr. John Salmon, 
a London merchant, and some similar bequests of the same 
amount ; and amongst our nominators we find Sir Richard 
Pyne, Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and the Countess of 
Donegall ; she was a daughter of the Earl of Granard. There 
is also a legacy of £50 by Dr. Ezekiel Burridge, our old neigh- 
bour, first rector of St. Paul's alluded to above. It was a 
liberal bequest from a clergyman who was not rich. We find 
his namesake, Ezekiel Burridge, amongst the forty boys 
admitted to the School under the Toll Corne Subsid}^, pre- 
sently mentioned, on the request of his widow, and, having 
regard to this benefaction ; it was his testimony as a witness 
to the value of the School, close by which he had officiated 
in the new parish church. 

The success and popularity of the School had naturally led 
to an increase in the admissions, which, in 1713, had reached 
no ; this encouraged the governors to petition the city for 
such an annual allowance as would enable them to utilise the 
building constructed to receive 300 boys. There was a tax 
on all grain coming into the city then, for free fooders were 
not 3^et in evidence. This was known as the " Toll Corne." 
The Assembly thereupon ordered that £250 per annum, in 
case the Toll Corne should answer same, should be appropria- 
ted for the support of forty boys to be added to the number 
in the Hospital. 6 This, commencing from All Saints, 1712, 
proved one of our main sources of income for over eighty 
years. Some seventeen new boys were now admitted, but 
the full carrying out of the project was checked by the city 
schism in the last years of Queen Anne and the consequent 
interregnum to the mayoralty. About the same time two 
houses in Smithfield were devised to the Hospital by the will 
of Dr. Pooley, Bishop of Raphoe, and which we still hold at 
the present day. He was an old neighbour, when rector of 
the old undivided parish of St. Michan's, and as such had 

'■' Gilbert's Calendar, 6, 479. 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 137 

been a Prebendary of Christ Church. He was a Fellow of 
Trinity College, and was raised successively to the Bishoprics 
of Cloyne and Raphoe ; but he never forgot his old friends of 
Oxmantown, and showered gifts on his old St. Michan's, 
where he lies, and where his monument still records his large- 
hearted charities, of which a list is given in Harris's Jl'<r/r. 
This Toll Corne subsidy was presumably granted owing to 
the failure of the Ballast Office grant as a source of income. 

The Three Years War. 

The history vi England in the last four years of Queen 
Anne was reflected in Dublin, and affected even the Blue 
Coat School. Our minute book, which, save in James H.'s 
time, has given an unbroken record from the opening to 1713, 
shows an hiatus of fourteen months from September, 1713, 
to November, 1714. This is not neglect or mutilation, but 
the mute evidence of an interregnum when no meetings were 
held, due to the three years' conflict between the Irish 
Government and the Corporation, which itself reflected the 
conflict that then raged through the three Kingdoms. Tlius 
the story has a place here. The flight of Bolingbroke, the 
impeachment of Harley, the attainder and exile of the Duke 
of Ormonde, were the outcome of the intrigues in the Tory 
ministry which Swift's genius kept in power through the 
preceding four years, when, conscious of the Queen's 
yearnings towards her stepbrother, some of them at least 
schemed to bring home the Chevalier of St. George as James 
HI. on the next demise of the Crow^n. The Irish Govern- 
ment, under the second Duke of Ormonde, had certainly 
leanings that way ; but the aldermen of the Corporation, or 
their great majority, were Williamite or Hanoverian to the 
core. Even in 1712 they addressed the Queen after the 
Treat}'- of Utrecht, thanking her for supporting the succes- 
sion of the Crown in the illustrious House of Hanover. By 
a very ancient usage our Mayors were elected annually at the 
Easter Assembly, to hold office from the Morrow of Michael- 
mas for the ensuing year. Essex's Rules of 1672, pro- 


vided that the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and the Treasurer 
should be elected by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of the 
city, that no other person should have a vote, and if any of these 
officers should not be approved by the Privy Council within 
ten days of presentation of their names, the aldermen should 
proceed to a new election. In Elizabeth's time, the expense 
of the miayoralt}' being onerous, a byelaw was made by the 
Corporation that each alderman should keep his turn foi 
bearing the charge of the Mayoralty " according to his 
ancientry," that is, that the alderman next below the cushion 
as it was called, should serve. This byelaw was repealed in 
Oliver's time, but re-enacted in his son Henry's, in 1657 ! 
nevertheless this order of succession had frequently not been 
observed. In 1709, when the strong Whig, Lord Wharton, 
was Lord Lieutenant, Alderman Robert Constantine was 
senior alderman below the cushion. He was a very respec- 
table gentleman, a druggist and apothecary, had been Sheriff 
in 1696, and for some fourteen years had been one of the 
most attentive of our governors ; in some years his name 
appears at every one of our meetings. At the Spring election 
of 1709 for the Mayoralty his name was put up with two 
others of our governors, Alderm.en Forrest and Ecclcs. 
Forrest was elected, though not the senior. Constantine then 
relying on the rule, petitioned the Lord Lieutenant in Council 
to withold approval ; but the Council, regarding the rule of 
succession as " a sleepy and obsolete law," confirmed Forrest 
as Lord Mayor. At the Easter Assembly, 1710, Constantine 
was again similarly passed over, Alderman Eccles, his junior^ 
being elected ; and again appealing to the Privy Council, he 
was refused permission to appear by Counsel, and Eccles' 
election was confirmed. But in Spring, 171 1; things had 
changed ; the Tories had swept the elections in England in 
1710, and the second Duke of Ormonde was now Lord Lieu- 
tenant. With him came Sir Constantine Phipps as Lord 
Chancellor. He had won high fame at the English Bar as 
counsel for Dr. Sacheverel at the historic state trial, and next 
year was honoured with the Irish Seals. He was High 
Church, High Tory, and Jacobite, and became the recognised 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 139 

leader of those principle's liere. The great majority of the 
gentry, nearly all the middle classes, and the upper artizans 
were predominantly Protestant and opposed to the Pretender. 
To all these Phipps became suspect ; he added early to their 
suspicions by directing a nolle proscpii of the prosecution of 
a gentleman who had written a Memoir of the Chevalier of 
St. George, and by refusing to permit the decorating of the 
statue of King William in College Green, which had already 
become an annual festivity and a tribute to the pious and 
immortal memory, not unknown even in Queen Victoria's 
time, and even in that of Anne not always unpro- 
vocative of riot. For the Roman Catholic citizens 
and the mass of the mob were partial to Phipps 
and the Pretender ; though even the mob had a good 
sprinkling of the orange weaveis of St. Werburgh's and 
the Coombe. With the Chancellor, Vesey, Archbishop of 
Tuam, acted as Lord Justice. He had no reason to welcome 
the Pretender, for when James II. was here, he had to fly 
froin Tuam for his life with an episcopal famii}^ of twelve 

So when, at the Easter Assembh' of 171 1, the Lord Mayor 
and Aldermen for the third time superseded Constantine and 
elected Alderman Barlow, the Privy Council, on Constan- 
tine's petition, ordered the Lord Mayor and aldermen to 
answer, and directed both sides to appear by counsel before 
the full Council board. The answer is signed by fourteen 
aldermen, including Eccles, Lord Mayor. It claimed the 
right of election to be in them, which would, it said, be no 
election if they were compelled to choose the senior ; and, 
traversing the immemorial usage alleged, it denied there was 
any irregularity in electing Alderman Barlow, unless, indeed, 
it added rather sarcastically, not electing the petitioner be one. 
The argument lasted two days. Forster, the Recorder, acting 
as counsel for the Corporation. The Privy Council affirmed 
the byelaw of ancientry and sunmiarily disappro\'ed Barlow. 

Archbishop King, who sat at the hearing, writes to Swift, 
who was in London, an impartial account of the trial. 7 He 

• T5th May, 171;. Scott's Swift, Vol. XV., 448. 


says the case turned on the most slender point of the old bye- 
law ; that as Archbishop of Dublin he thought he should 
support the city, and as the byelaw had been passed, not to 
coerce the electors, but to compel reluctant mayors to serve, 
and had frequently been disregarded, he warned his colleagues 
that the decision would beget ill blood, and that it was not 
the Duke of Ormonde's interest to clash with the city ; but 
they said they didn't foresee any hurt to his grace, " and I 
pray God it may not." " You must know,'' he says, " this 
is made a party affair, as Constantine sets up for a high 
churchman, which I never heard of before ; but whoever has 
a private quarrel and finds himself too weak, becomes a 
partizan, and makes his private a public quarrel." 

The Privy Council thus drew first blood. But in the whole 
three years' war we discern through the mist a strong, 
skilful, and resourceful hand guiding the Corporation. This was 
Forster's, the Recorder. He had been made Solicitor-General 
by Lord Wharton in 1708, vice Sir Richard Levinge, who was 
a Tory, but displaced on the return of the Tories, when Sir 
Richard became Attorney- General. Forster keeps in the 
background in this conflict, but his knowledge and his spirit 
animated it throughout. Accepting the decision in favour of 
the byelaw, a full assembly was convened for the following 

All the aldermen and all the Commons were summoned, 
and the byelaw was formally repealed. The Privy Council 
two years afterwards alleged that this meeting was tumul- 
tously ushered in with great noise and clamour, that there 
was a cry of " Poper}^ Popery," and " that the bvelaw was 
repealed as Popish, though made in the reign of Queen Eliza- 
beth." But the aldermen proceeded with all constitutional 
forms. To make Constantine again legally eligible they 
rescinded an ordei by which some time before he had been 
placed above the cushion " and to wear a scarlet gown " ; 
then they proceeded to the second election, at wliich Con- 
stantine, Barlow, and Alderman Samuel Cooke were duly put 
in nomination ; Barlow was re-elected Lord Mayor. In the 

*' See Eccles' Statement. Gilbert's Calendar, 7, 564. 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 i^i 

above cited letter Arcbbisliop King strongly deprecated the 
summary action of the city as provocative, and the Privy 
Council, angrily regarding it as such, and " a contempt of 
authority," again disapproved. The aldermen proceeded to 
a third election, this time nominating Constantine, Cooke, 
and Ralph Gore ; there were only three votes for Constan- 
tine, against 16 for Cooke, who was declared duly elected, but 
who in turn was duly disapproved by the Privy Council. A 
fourth election followed in August, when Constantine's name 
was dropped, and Alderman T. Ouin, Samuel Walton, and 
John Page were put forward. Page being declared Lord 
Mayor with seventeen votes, but confirmation was again 
withheld. At a fifth election, also held in August, Alderman 
Gibbons was nominated with Quin and Walton, and receiving 
fifteen votes, was chosen, with the same fate, however, as his 
predecessors. But the aldermen were not daunted. At a 
sixth election they nominated Walton again, now with 
Gibbons and Benjamin Barton, and Walton was elected with 
thirteen votes. This was on the 31st August. The Privy 
Council once more declined to approve, and as Michaelmas 
was now in sight, when the existing Lord Mayor Eccles' 
tenure would cease, and no one yet appointed to succeed liim, 
the Corporation, despairing of the Privy Council, addressed 
a petition to Queen Anne herself. It is a very able document 
— firm, dignified, and loyal. After reciting the Essex Rules 
vesting the election of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs in the 
Lord Mayor and aldermen, and in no one else, it states that 
so careful has the city been in the election of its Lord Mayor 
that, since 1672 to within a few months past, no elected Lord 
Mayor was ever disapproved by the Privy Council, save 
when, in 1687, T3a"connell, having superseded the ancient 
charters, refused approval in favour of Sir Thomas Hackett ; 
" yet your petitioners," it proceeds, " have been so unfor- 
tunate as to have been obliged five several times since Easter 
to proceed to a new choice by reason the Council were pleased 
so often to disapprove the person elected, though no objection 
had been made to their sufficiency or loyalty, they being all 
educated in the Church of Ireland as by law established, and 


men who had always shown hearty affection toward-". Your 
Majesty's Government." Referring to the rule of seniority, 
the pretext for the original disapproval of Barl(m% the 
petitioners set forth three precedents in 1672, 1674, and 1696, 
in which the byelaw^ had not been followed, and implore Hot 
Majesty's generous interposition that the right of electing 
magistrates for the city may not be turned into a nomination 
by the Government and the Council. " Placing entire re- 
liance in the Queen's justice and goodness," they repudiate 
any disrespect or opposition to the Government placed over 
them, and state their willingness to make any compliance 
" consistent with oui right and freedom of election and the 
oaths we have taken to maintain the liberties of Your 
Majesty's most ancient and loyal city." This petition was 
forwarded to the Lord Lieutenant, Ormonde, b}^ Eccles, the 
Lord Mayor, for transmission to the Queen. The Duke re- 
plied on 7th September, saying he had sent it into England. 
But Michaelmas was imminent, so, pending the Queen's 
decision, a seventh election was had, at which Alderman 
Pearson with Gibbons and Barton were nominated, and Pear- 
son elected with thirteen votes, only to be disapproved like 
the six that went before him. Michaelmas was now at hand, 
and no new Lord Mayor. 

The aldermen refused to be defeated. On the 27th Sep- 
tember they proceeded to the eighth election. To emphasise 
their attitude, they again put forward Constantine along 
with Ralph Gore, who had already been nominated at the 
third election, and, with these, x\lderman Robert Mason. 
There were twenty votes, of which two went for Constantine, 
and eighteen for Gore. 

Michaelmas had come, and no Lord Mayor. On the ist 
October the Corporation met and affirmed " the undoubted 
right of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Dublin 
to elect to the Mayoralty such of the aldermen as they sh;dl 
think most fit, without legard to seniority or juniority." 
For this resolution twenty voted ; there were only two voices 
contra. At last the Government caved in. Whether they 
had a hint from London, or as yet dared not contemplate 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 143 

anything so dreadful as a city without a head, they approved 
Alderman Gore, who became Lord Mayor from Michaelmas, 
1711-1712. The year's campaign thus ended with a decisive 
victory for the Corporation. 

The Privy Council, however, yielded with a bad grace. 
We have not involved the story with the case of the sheriffs, 
but should state that at five of the above elections the 
Council had disapproved the choice of the sheriffs along with 
the mayor ; and at the sixtli, wdiile giving way as to the 
Mayoraltv, they disapproved as Sheriff Daniel Falkiner, the 
banker, though without impeachment and chosen unani- 
mously, and Walker, though chosen by sixteen votes to live, 
and a seventh election for the Shrievalt}^ became necessary. 

The war was renewed next year ; this campaign was shorter 
than the last, but sharp. From the lecord of May, 17 12, it 
would seem there had been some abortive meetings at Easter, 
for it recites — " former elections having been rejected." At 
this May assembly our old friend Constantine was again put 
forward with Barlow, who had been twice, and Cooke, who 
had been once disapproved, as we have seen, in the previous 
year ; but he had only a single vote, and Barlow, with thir- 
teen, was chosen Lord Mayor. With him were named 
Sheriffs Glegg and Somerville, who had both been disap- 
proved as such in 1711. This election the Privy Council 
regarded as a further disrespect to the Government, and in- 
dignantly refused approval. But the aldermen stood to tlieir 
guns. In July they again nominated Constantine with Cooke 
and Mason ; again Constantine had only one vote. Cooke 
had fourteen, and was elected, w'ith Bradshaw and Aldrich 
as Sheriffs. 

The Privy Council at last approved of Cooke, who duly 
became Lord Mayor from Michaelmas, 1712 to 1713 ; but 
Aldrich was angrily disapproved for the Shrievalty. In their 
address to the Queen next year the Council say — " With the 
same spirit of obstinacy the aldermen had also certified one 
Aldrich for Sheriff, who had been twice before disapproved, 
and is a factious person and a dispenser of libels against the 
Government," but they omit to state that they had them- 


selves first disapproved such a nominee as Thomas Somer- 
ville, against whom there was no objection, and who was a 
gentleman of substance, and very many others who were 
equally without reproach. 

The laurels of this campaign were again with the Corpora- 
tion, though their victory in the person of Samuel Cooke was. 
as the sequel proved, not so great as they had supposed ; and 
possibly the Council in approving him knew what they were 

The third campaign opened in April, 171 3, at their Easter 
Assembly. Lord Mayor Cooke presiding. Poor Constantine 
was once more put in nomination, this time with Mason and 
John Stoyte, yet again he had one vote only. Stoyte carried 
seventeen. Stoyte's return with the Sheriffs is certified to 
the Privy Council with the signatures of nineteen aldermen, 
including Cooke, thougli his name appears only third. As 
Stoyte was the junior of the three, the Council, "therefore, 
and for other good reasons," conceived him unfit, and dis- 
approved. There was a new Assembly in May, at which 
Lord Mayor Cooke appeared in a new character. He took 
from his pocket a piece of paper with the names of Sir 
William Fownes, Constantine, and Mason on it, and proposed 
them for election. Then the storm broke out ; seventeen 
aldermen insisted on first putting the question whether any 
of the three should be elected. Fownes was objected to as 
having already served as Mayor in 1708, and Constantine as 
having been already eight times rejected by great majorities ; 
and a formal vote was proposed whether Constantine should 
be " put in election." Cooke refused to put the question, and, 
declaring if they would not proceed to his three nominations 
he would allow no other choice, he rose to go. They implored 
him to remain ; he refused. Then they told him if he wilfully 
withdrew they would proceed for the purpose for which they 
were duly summoned, and that they were almost unanimous 
for electing Adderman Pleasants for the ensuing year. The 
Lord Mayor withdrew nevertheless ; seventeen aldermen 
remained. After waiting some hours in hope Cooke would 
return, they sent to him, expressing their extreme reluctance 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 145 

to proceed in his absence without absolute necessity. He ■ 
replied that he would not come ; so the seventeen thereupon 
elected Pleasants unanimously, and returned his name under 
their seventeen signatures. Of course the Privy Council dis- 
approved. The}'^ advised the whole case to be argued before 
them. Then, after solemn debate on the 3rd and 4th Septem- 
ber, they declared the election of Pleasants void, and directed 
a new election ; and, on the nth September, sent to Lord- 
IMayor Cooke two resolutions affirming the right of the Lord 
Mayor to nominate three candidates, one of whom must be 
chosen, and that the proceeding in the Lord Mayor's absence 
was illegal and a breach of the Rules of 1672. The question 
what punishment was to be meted to the seventeen recusants 
was reserved ; they seemed to forget that there was no Star 
Chamber now. The aldermen, still undaunted, called a new 
Assembly on the 21st September, and putting forward Con- 
stantine with Mason and Alderman Thomas Bolton, returned 
the latter as Lord Mayor by eighteen votes to two, he being 
the junior and one of the seventeen. With him they again 
named the " factious person," Aldrich, as Sheriff, and certi- 
fied to the Privy Council on 24th September with the signa- 
tures of twenty-two aldermen, including Cooke, who signs 
second. The Privy Council were incensed ; they directed 
that the seventeen recusants should be prosecuted, ordering 
an immediate new election, for Michaelmas was again at 

Cooke accordingly re-summoned the aldermen on the 25th, 
and offered them as candidates Constantine, Mason, and 
French ; but the meeting refused to vote for any of them. 
Ormonde had now gone, and the Duke of Shrewsbur}^ had 
just become Viceroy. The Privy Council some time before 
had sent over their statement of the case to the Government 
in London. It waL not so successful as they had hoped. On 
the 27th September they received a letter from the Secretary 
of State, Lord Bolingbroke, suggesting as a compromise that 
the Loid Mayor should nominate a new person vice Sir 
William Fownes, whom the aldermen had rejected as a past 
Lord j\Iayor. Professing high satisfaction at tliis suggestion, 



the Council directed the aldermen to attend on Michaelmas 
Day itself, and, reading Bolingbroke's letter, invited them to 
act accordingly. They acceded to the plan as one whicli 
" would effectually quiet all their disorders," and forthwith 
assembled to carry it out. Sir Samuel Cooke, however, still 
in the Lord Mayor's chair, put forward again Constantine, 
Mason, and French, the three who had been rejected only 
four days before, alleging French to be a new person, in place 
of Fownes, in accordance with Bolingbroke's compromise. 
The aldermen regarded this as a mere pretence ; they 
besought Cooke to be moderate, and stated their willingness 
to accept any other nominee whom they had not previously 
rejected ; but Cooke persisted, and the meeting broke up, 
facing the catastrophe of Michaelmas come and Michaelmas 
gone and no Lord Mayor of Dublin. 

On ist October the Privy Council in deep chagrin sent their 
statement to the Queen. Petulant in tone, and partial as to 
facts, it sadly contrasts with the petition of the Corporation, 
which soon after followed it. It asserts the usages and law, 
but without adducing proof or precedent, and bitterly 
inveighs against the obstinacy of the aldermen. Yet it had 
high sanction, signed by the Lord Chancellor, Sir Constantine 
Phipps, and Vesey, Archbishop of Tuam ; Sir Richard Cox, 
Lord Chief Justice ; Sir Robert Doyne, Lord Chief Baron ; 
the Earls of Inchiquin, Abercorn, and Kerry ; the Bishops 
of Meath, Kildare, and Raphoe. With the statement they 
forwarded the opinions of some of the Judges and all the 
Crown Counsel in favour of the Lord Mayor's prerogative 
claim, and his right to continue in office till his successor was 
regularly appointed and approved. Sir Constantine Phipps 
wrote privately to Swift, asking his assistance with Harley 
and Bolingbroke, and appeals to have had a reply which 
pleased him, for he writes again to Swift in Octobei , thanking 
him effusively foi " burning his fingers on his behalf ; " but 
though Swift did then secure for the Chancellor's son a good 
office he was seeking, he writes the week after to Arch- 
deacon Walls — " Your Mayor's squabble we regard as much 
here as if you sent me an account of your little son playing 

TEMP. QUEEX ANNE, 1702-1714 147 

at cherry stones. I received the Lord Justice's representa- 
tion sent to the Queen, and have said more on it than anyone 
else would, and I hope the new Lord Lieutenant will put an 
end to the dispute." 

• Still the aldermen stood staunch. They refused to recognise 
Cooke as Lord Mayor, and, as the Privy Council had declared 
his presence essential for every legal assembly and 
corporate act, they refused to exercise their corporate 
functions, to hold assemblies, to open the City Court at the 
Tholsel, or to have meetings of the Governors of the Blue 
Coat. Under counsel's advice the outgoing sheriffs refused 
to exercise office. These were Thomas Bradshaw and Edward 
Somerville. The Government ordered them still to act, and 
directed them both to be prosecuted. This was the inter- 
■ regnum. Thereupon the aldermen also addressed a petition 
to the Queen. Signally able, moderate, learned, and 
exhaustive, it was supported by proofs and precedents which 
seem irrefragable and conclusive. The Recorder and three 
aldermen weie sent with it to London to argue the cause and 
negotiate with the Government. They went at their own 
expense, for they could not in the interregnum touch the city 
funds. They would appear to have made in their mission a 
considerable stay. The petition cites the royal charters of 
Dublin, of Henry IIL, Edward IIL, Henry IV., and Henry 
VL, giving choice of the Mayor to the citizens of Dublin. It 
sets forth a byelaw in the time of Richard III. providing that 
the Jurees. the old name for the aldermen, should, on each 
Holyrood Day, name one of themselves as Mayor for a 3^ear 
from Michaelmas, and the new Rules of 1672, enacting that 
the election of Lord Mayor and Sheriffs should be for ever 
thereafter only by the Lord Mayor and aldermen, eight being 
present. A result of a search thiough all the records for 
the trace of any rule giving the Lord Mayor alone the right 
to nominate three, of whom one must be chosen, showed that 
none such existed. By accumulated instances it is shewn that 
though the Lord ^Mayor in form always put forward these three 
names to the Assemblv, this was always done after a con- 
ference with the aldermen, and that even then the right of the 


Assembly to reject the seniors or to substitute a new name 
was repeatedly recognised. The petition shows further that 
Sir Samuel Cooke was himself a subscribing party to the 
order of October, 17 ii, which declares the undoubted right 
" of the Lord Mayoi and aldermen " to elect to the Mayoralty 
such of the aldermen as they thiak lit, without regard to 
seniority ; and several other orders of similar purport to 
which he is a signatory are also put in evidence. 

Cooke's assumption to remain in office till his prerogative 
claims are acceded to is refuted with equal force. It is shown 
that the entries of elections always mentioned that the 
Mayor and Sheriffs are elected and approved to serve for one 
year only. A bye-law of 13 James I., is cited, enacting that 
no one should be continued Mayor two years successively, 
and though in the distraction of the lebellion of 1641, Smith 
was continued Mayor for four successive years, the entries 
showed he was duly elected at the close of each ; whilst all 
the records proved a constant usage that the jMayor should 
hold office only to the morrow of ^Michaelmas, when his 
successor was sworn in, save when Michaelmas was on 
Saturday, and then he only held till the Monday follov.'ing, 
the only case to the contrary being that of Hackett aforesaid, 
when Tyrconnell was Lord Deputy. 

The extracts from the charters and rolls are attested with 
a precision which would do credit to our Court of Chancery 
to-day. Certiiicates are added : one, by eight ex-Lord 
Mayors, testifying that they always conferred with their 
brethren, the aldermen, and had their approbation for 
their three nominees, and that no Mayor within memor}^ 
had ever held over after Michaelmas ; another, b}^ 
twelve aldermen below the cushion, testifying that the 
right of nominating the three was always in practice in the 
Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and not in the Lord Mayor 
alone. And there is a sworn deposition of Sir John Eccles, 
who served 1610-1611, to the same effect, in which he adds, 
that when at the close of his year, his successor, Ralph Gore, 
had not been approved on the Monday after Michaelmas, 
which had fallen on Saturday, he threw off his gown, laid 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 149 

aside rod, swoid, and mace, and walked the streets to the 
Tholsel as a private man. 

The petitioners, speaking throughout in most respectful 
and loyal language, protest they have no other view than a 
faithful discharge of tlieir trust, and of their oaths, to main- 
tain their rights and charters derived from the Crown, and 
under the royal prerogative, and they deeply deprecate the 
course by which " the city has been thrown into disorder 
and confusion, and its sessions, assemblies, and courts have 
remained ever since unattended." 

If Cooke and the Privy Council were right, it is plain that 
the franchise of choosing the civic officers would be illusory, 
and this, with the power of perpetual disapproval in the 
Crown, would give the appointment of j\Iayor and Sheriffs 
to the Government of the day, whenever the Lord Mayor 
was subservient. But the appeals to the Crown were never 
actually decided. We know how, in the last year of Queen 
Anne, the disputes between Harley and Bolingbroke had 
become acute, and even Swift, dear friend of both, failed to 
reconcile them ; this hastened the Queen's death, and when 
the year began to wane, on the ist August, she died. Death 
was the deus ex machina that severed the knot which was 
strangling the mimicipal life of Dublin. The Jacobites were 
routed in London and Dublin alike, the Hanoverians ruled 
supreme. Whilst Harley was being impeached, Lord Chan- 
cellor Phipps retired to the Middle Temple, and resumed 
private practice at the Bar. All things were changed. At 
Michaelmas, 1714, the interregnum ceased, and James 
Barlow, the thrice rejected elect and original casus belli, was 
knighted and duly installed Lord Mayor of Dublin. 

The war ended in conquest by the Corporation. Sir John 
Forster was made Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
and John Rogerson, Sir John's son. Recorder, in his stead. 
To Forster the city voted ^500 " as a mark of favour to their 
late worthy Recorder, who, by his abilities, vigilance, and 
steady adherence to the true interests of the city, was highly 
instrumental in preserving its liberties, to the neglect of his 
private concerns, and the considerable detriment of bis 


private fortune/" and his portrait, painted at the expense of 
the city, was ordered to be placed in the Tholseh He had 
also a lease from the city of the lands and house at 
Donnycamey, Clontarf, where he resided. These passed 
later in the century to Lord Charlemont, on which he formed 
his beautiful demesne of Marino, and which are now in 
the possession of the Christian Brothers. The new 
House of Commons, in 1716, voted to him, and to the nine- 
teen survivors of the twenty stalwarts, and to Somerville, 
the surviving sheriff, who had refused to continue in office, 
contrary to law, the Thanks of the House, for their great 
virtue in defending the rights of the city. £900 was voted 
in the Assembly to the Aldermen and Sheriffs to defray their 
costs of the late litigation before the Privy Council, the 
Queen's Bench, and in England. The disapproved Lord 
Mayors elect, Stoyte, Pleasants, and Bolton, were successively 
placed in the civic chair. Barkey, Quaile, Wilkinson, Forbes, 
Curtis and Dickson, followed as Lord Mayors in each 
successive year up to 1723, and Somerville had a special 
grant of £200. Sir Samuel Cooke was indicted before the 
Assembly for having betrayed the city, and acted as the 
instrument of arbitrary power. He defended himself ably, 
relying on the opinions of the Privy Council and Crown 
lawyers, but after an elaborate hearing, the sentence was 
that he " be disfranchised from all the franchises and 
liberties of the city, be henceforth rejected and taken as a 
foreigner, and removed from the place of alderman.'' 

It may be thought unreasonable thus at length to wake 
the echoes of this long sleeping strife, and to call from 
oblivion these phantoms of our city worthies long ago for- 
gotten, but to Blue Coat Hospitallers, the story is acutely 
interesting. To us the actors are not phantoms. These 
names that have shifted now before us like colours of the 
kaleidoscope, are all inscribed in living letters on the records 
of the meetings of our governors in those stirring years. The 
seventeen recusants— Sir John Eccles, Sir John Rogerson^ 
Sir Ralph Gore, Sir James Barlow, Thos. Quin, Samuel 
Walton, John Page, Benjamin Barton, John Pearson, John 

TEMP. QUEEN ANNE, 1702-1714 151 

Stoyte, Tliomas Bolton, Anthony Barkey, William Quaile, 
Thomas Wilkinson, George Forbes, Thos. Curtis, and 
William Dickson, who, with Thomas Pleasants, Matthew 
Pearson, and Robert Cheatham, made up the twenty stal- 
warts, all are living in our Minute Books to-day, as nomi- 
nating children, apprenticing pupils, raising ways and means, 
managing our estate. Some of them attended almost every 
meeting, and the governors of to-day cannot but have a 
pride in corporate ancestors, so strong, so firm, and so brave. 
They are not wholly dead. Streets of Dublin still record the 
names of Rogerson, Fownes, Eccles, Pleasants, and the 
names of many of these sleeping combatants still survive in 
theii posterity. Phipps is lineal ancestor of the Mulgraves 
and Normanbys, and Constantine, first Marquess of Normanby, 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1835. ^^^ wonders if that 
Christian name attracted the Chancellor towards his name- 
sake, our so oft-re]ected candidate. Vesey, Archbishop of 
Tuam and Lord Justice, is lineal ancestor of the Lords de 
Vesci. Somerville, the disapproved sheriff, is lineal ancestor 
of the Lords Athlumney. Benjamin Barton, the banker, 
the disapproved sheriff, is lineal ancestor of the Bartons of 
Pollacton, County Carlow. Daniel Falkiner, the banker, 
another of the disapproved, is great-great-great-granduncle 
of the present writer. Sir Samuel Cooke is ancestor b}^ the 
female descent of one of the best country gentlemen of our 
day, Thomas Cooke-Trench, late of Millicent, Kildare, who 
carried the memory of his fighting forbear in his own gentle 
person and name, andjmany a family pedigree in Ireland 
would probably trace through others of these civic worthies 
of two centuries ago. 

[Chairmen and Lord Mayors. 


Our Chairmen and Lord ^Mayors in Queen Anne's reign 
were: — 


1 708-9 

I 7 1 o- 1 1 

Samuel Walton. 
Thomas Bell. 
John Page. 
Francis Stoyte. 
Wm. Gibbons 
Benj. Burton 
John Pearson. 
Sir Wm. Fownes. 
Charles Forrest. 
John Eccles 
Sir Ralph Gore 
Sir Samuel Cooke. 

The evolution of the City was somewhat stayed b}^ the 
poHtical contest of the three years war, but two of the most 
important events in the development of the City were 
inaugurated in this reign. The Constitution of the first 
Harbour Board, known as the Ballast Office, and the con- 
struction of the South Wall by Sir John Rogerson, which was 
continued by the City so as to enclose the gulf between 
Townsend street and Ringsend. 

^ The above nairative is drawn from the original records which are given 
in full in Gilbert's Calendar, Vol VI., and Appendix to Vol. VII. 

L 153 ] 


TEMP. GEORGE I., 1714-1727 

Queen Anne died ist August, 1714. The old regime had 
resumed here, as we have seen, with the new reign. The lirsl 
act of the City Assembly was to present Archbishop King 
with the freedom of the city in a gold box, a distinction then 
only conferred on Lord Lieutenants or personages of highest 
rank or celebrity. The Archbishop was now the presiding 
member of the Government in the absence of the Duke of 
Shrewsbur}^, the new Lord Lieutenant. The meetings of our 
governors were resumed in November, under Sir James 
Barlow, Chairman and Lord [Mayor ; their first business was 
to complete the admission of forty new boys, as arranged 
with the Corporation. In the next few years their work is 
routine, and demands no special remark ; but we note next 
year nominations of boys by the famous Earl of Galway, who 
was then the Lord Justice. This was Henry, ]\Iarquess de 
Ruvigny. He was one of the French Protestant exiles, and 
had come to England as representative of all the Protestant 
churches of France. He was a great soldier of William HI, 
for whom he fought at the Battle of Aughrim, and by whom 
he was given an earldom in our peerage. In 1716, as we have 
already mentioned, our chaplain and schoolmaster, Charles 
Carr, became Lord Bishop of Killaloe, and Rev. Richard 
Gibbons was appointed in his place. In 1717 some important 
additions to our Board were made — Major-General Frederick 
Hamilton, who, dying a few years after, left the Hospital a 
legacy of £300 ; Forster, our late Recorder, who now 
rejoined as Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. At the 
same time the Presidents of the College of Physicians were 
made ex-officio governors. But far the most important 


accession was that of Archbishop King himself at tlie special 
invitation of the governors, for he was perhaps the greatest 
governor the Blue Coat has had ; and almost up to his death 
in 1729 he gave it a good share of his marvellous organizing 
power and generous liberality, which far outweighed the 
contentiousness, which made him some enemies, not the less 
because it was always directed against abuses, and in almost 
all cases prevailed. In 1718 he sent the Lord Mayor a cheque 
for /500 as a gift to the School. In the next year a bill was 
brought into the Commons by our Recorder, John Rogerson, 
who was M.P. for the city and Solicitor-General, for regula- 
ting the streets, and he was directed b}^ the Government, of 
which the Archbishop was a leading member, to insert a clause 
for limiting and licensing the coaches and sedans of the city. 
The Archbishop was also then a leader in the Lords ; more 
than half the peers who attended then were bishops. This bill, 
6 Geo. I.,c. 15, reciting the recent growth of the city, provided 
for licensing fifty more hackney coaches and forty more 
chairs, with an annual tax of £1 5s. od. each, to be applied 
to the support of the Blue Coat Hospital for six years. This 
increased its income by £180 ; and, thanking the Ciovern- 
ment, the Board increased the number of boys to 180, the 
highest mark they had hitherto reached. When, seven years 
after, this benefit had expired, it was renewed in another 
form. In 1727 the James's Street Workhouse was recon- 
structed by I Geo. II., c. 27, under commissioners who may 
be regarded as precursors of the South Dublin Union, and 
perhaps the most distinguished Poor Law Guardians on 
record ; they included the chief magnates in Church and 
State, members of the Government of both Houses of Parlia- 
ment, and the high civic dignitaries, Archbishop King being 
nearly first on the list. One of our statutory sources of 
income was the tax on the hackney coaches and chairs, which 
was now remodelled. The new license duties and annual tax 
were to be paid to the Commissioners, of which the revenue 
of one hundred and fifty coaches and one hundred and sixty 
chants was allocated to the Workhouse, and that of fifty 
coaches and forty sedans to the Blue Coat School. This aid 

TEMP. GEORGE I., 1714-1727 155 

was continued to us for forty-four years, when it was taken 
away by 11 (!S: 12 Geo. III., c. 11, and given to the Rotunda 
Hospital. Some of the accounts show more than £200 paid 
in a single year. The Archbishop was now Treasurer of the 
Erasmus Smith's Board, and his practical wisdom saw the 
policy, so often ignored in the history of beneficence, of 
making cognate charities work in alliance rather than in over- 
lappmg machinei}'. In 1723 he formed a Committee of 
King's Hospital to confer with a committee of the Erasmus 
vSmith's board, and these, in July, in his own palace in St. 
Sepulchre's, agreed on a scheme of ten clauses by which the 
Erasmus Smith's board should contribute £300 towards the 
building of an infirmary in King's Hospital, which was sorely 
needed, the Hospital to receive from time to time any number 
of boys up to twenty nominated by the Erasmus Smith's 
board, to be maintained in all respects under the same regula- 
tions as the other boys on our foundation. For these the 
Erasmus Smith's board are to provide the necessary furniture 
and to pay quarterly a rateable proportion of the expenses 
of the School. They also undertake the apprenticing of their 
twenty pupils, and to pay £5 a year to our head master ; the 
Lord Mayor and the Recorder for the time being are to be 
standing governors of the Eiasmus Smith's school, 
four of whose members reciprocally are to be standing 
governors of the Blue Coat ; and the Erasmus Smith's 
board undertake to apply to the ensuing session of 
Parliament for an Act to ratify the contract. This scheme 
was confirmed by our Board at their September meeting, and 
our seal affixed to the heads of the bill brought in under the 
Archbishop's auspices, and passed that session, during which 
he was an assiduous attendant in the Lords. This statutory 
alliance has now existed for more than 180 years, for it was 
fully recognised by the Municipal Corporations Act of 1840, 
and was never more faithfully carried out than in the late 
long years in which Vice-Chancellor Chatterton has presided 
at the Erasmus Smith's Board. 

This Bill was passed in the session of 1723-24 as an 
Act for further application of the rents given by Erasnms 


Smith for charitable purposes. The clauses affecting the 
Blue Coat will be found in Appendix B, It contains a clause 
empowering our governors to make building leases of their 
waste lands in Dublin for ninety-nine years ; our charter 
limited the term to forty-one. This valuable power, hidden 
away in the unnumbered sections of a local Act dealing 
with another charity, has been unnoticed in the indexes to 
the statutes and text books, and has been unnoticed by our 
governors for the past tifty years, during which they have 
believed it necessary to apply to Chancery or Charity Com- 
missioners for leave to grant building leases. The only clue 
given in our minute books is an entry in 1724 of ten guineas 
paid to one John Dexter, " for his extraordinary trouble in 
London in soliciting a clause in a late Act of Parliament " to 
the above effect, without further indication of what statute 
it was. 

Our records of this time include the names of manv distin- 
guished persons nominating boys : — The Duchess of Grafton, 
the Lord Lieutenant's wife, in 1722 ; she was wife of Charles 
Fitzroy, the second Duke, and giand-daughter of the Duke of 
Beaufort ; Lady Carteret, wife of the Lord Lieutenant in 
1725 ; and Chief Justice Whitshed, Swift's prosecuting 
judge ; Presidents of the College of Physicians, in succession 
Doctors Grattan, Jammett, and Mitchell ; and several 
nominations by the \'estries of the city churches, whose 
recommendations were always honoured by our governors. 

Under the Erasmus Smith's alliance, the much needed 
Infirmary of our old Hospital was built. The energy and 
example of the Archbishop was visible everywhere. Alder- 
man Quaile, who had been our Lord Mayor and Chairman in 
1719, now, himself , expended £500 on the infirmary, and old 
Sir John Rogerson's legacy of £100 was added. The restora- 
tion of our chapel was also taken in hand, to which Dr. 
Daniel, the Dean of Armagh, contributed £50, and a charity 
sermon preached by Dr. Maule, Bishop of Cloyne, presumably 
at the Archbishop's instance, realised £60 towards this 
object. Hitherto there had been no supervision of the 
Hospital accounts ; and a drastic order, reciting that there 

TEMP GEORGE I., 1714-1727 157/ 

was no method of charging the agent with his receipts of 
casual revenue, is made in the Archbishop's presence that 
one of the governors should be annually chosen as Treasurer, 
he to give his discharges for all contributions in support of 
the Hospital ; all tradesmen's bills to be confirmed by a 
standing committee. An order also directs that the chaplain 
shall in future catechise the boys weekly, as provided by the 
charter ; another that each of the 180 boys should have a 
Bible ; and another that a sufficient number of the x\rchbishop 
of Tuam's (Dr. Edward S\-nge's) exposition of the Church 
Catechism should be bought for the boys ; a list of all the 
benefactors of the School from the beginning, with a proper 
preamble, is directed to be made, and hung on tables in the 
Hall of the Hospital ; and this was carried out and continued 
for years. An inventory of all goods and chattels in the house 
is to be made out and continued from time to time, and 
examined by the Committee periodically. Had this order 
been maintained, we should possess many memorials now, 
historic pictures, whole libraries of books, which have long 
since vanished. It was found there were now 188 boys, occu- 
pymg twenty-nine rooms, with twenty-nine more for officers 
and servants, beside the Hall Chapel and schoolrooms, and 
other such buildings. Finally, this committee are directed 
to inspect all the laws of the house and the regulations affect- 
mg the officers and servants, and to report what further 
laws they recommend for the good government of the 
Hospital. The Archbishop was present at the election of an 
additional schoolmaster m 1725. Our chaplain, with our 
increased numbers, needed assistance. Mr. John Connell was 
elected. We can see the strong reforming hand in the minute 
which orders that the schoolmaster in future bring neither 
wife nor child to lodge or diet or to be a charge or incumbrance 
upon this house ; that he apply himself wholly to the busi- 
ness of the School, and teach no other boys, either at home 
or abroad ; and that he attend them constantly to church or 
chapel, so that they behave themselves reverently there, and 
orderly and decently at their meals. That " in future " in 
the above has a latent lumiour, suggesting how things had 


previously gone on, and it is more pointed by the fact that the 
Archbishop was a stern bachelor to the end. He last attended 
our Board in April, 1726, when he announced a benefaction 
of £500 from Lady Midleton, sent by her to himself : she was 
widow of Lord Chancellor Allen Broderick, first Lord Midleton. 
Oh, that Archbishop King had been with us for many a year 
before and after ! His work at the Blue Coat, which was but 
a fringe of his vast official labour, might further illustrate the 
story of his life as told by Dr. George Stokes in the latest 
volume from his luminous pen, Some Worthies of the Irish 
Church, edited by Rev. H. Lawlor in 1900. 

A fresh wreath has just been placed on his memory here. 
By the munificence of Lord Iveagh, the north choir aisle of 
St. Patrick's Cathedral had a few years since been restored 
and relighted by the removal of the darkening organ loft 
back towards the choir. Then the fine memorial to the late 
Dean Jellett was erected in the eastern window, and the old 
chapel of St. Peter, which formed this part of the aisle, was 
reconstituted. The side lights in the northern wall of this 
chapel are formed by two arches, each with two lancets. 
Those in the eastern arch are the memorial windows to 
Provost Salmon. The second lancet of the other arch, the 
collateral descendants of Archbishop King, Sir Charles 
Simeon King, of Corrard, and Sophia, his wife, have, at the 
invitation of Dean Bernard and the Chapter, this year filled 
with a beautiful memorial window to the memory of their 
noble ancestor. It shows St. Peter receiving the keys above, 
and addressing the multitude on the Day of Pentecost below. 
The inscription records the Archbishop's connection with 
the Cathedral as Chancellor and Dean. In the lancet close 
by, to the left, posteri memores of Archbishop Usher have 
similarly erected a memorial window to the great Primate, 
shewing above St. Peter named Cephas by Christ, and his 
release from prison below. On the opposite side of the choir 
aisle is Swift's fierce inscription over Schomberg's grave. 
In this illustrious company we recall the days when these, 
the two greatest Deans of St. Patrick's in the past, worked 
as contemporaries, and yet we are reminded how different 

TEMP. GEORGE I., 1714-1727 159 

were their methods, though both were masterful. This 
memorial has an interesting link with the Blue Coat, for 
Sir Charles Kmg, who erected it, is son of Sir James Walker 
King, second baronet, who was once our Chaplain and 
Head Master, and grandson of Sir Abraham Bradley King, 
our long time Governor and twice our Chairman, as hereafter 
shewn. All four lancets illustrate scenes in St. Peter's life, 
and have been beautifully designed by C. L. Kempe, Esq., 
as conceived by Dean Bernard. 

We have curious entries at this period illustrating the 
working of the New Penal Laws. One in 1721 records that 
judgment was had in the Common Pleas by default against 
Pierce Butler, a Papist, for ;{5oo, for taking upon him the 
guardianship of a minor, and the penalt}^ was awarded to the 
Blue Coat. The Recorder is asked to give directions for 
enforcing it ; next year Mr. Butler petitioned the governors for 
a remission, and a committee was appointed to treat with 
him for a settlement. They appear to have forgiven the 
penalty, for our accounts of casual revenue show nothing 
received on this. But a few years after, in 1729, we have 
record of a legacy of Henry Turner, Esq., " bequeathed for 
education of children in the Popish religion," and adjudged 
by the Court of Chancery to be for superstitious uses. One 
moiety is ordered to be paid to the Blue Coat Hospital, and 
the other to the Green Coat in Cork. Our half, £956, was 
duly paid. 

The Archbishop sent us, under the Erasmus Smith alliance, 
four \'ery eminent governors, one the most illustrious man of 
his day here — Jonathan Swift, — the Earl of Abercorn, 
Viscount Charlemont, and the Right Hon. Marmaduke 
Coghill. Lord Abercorn and Swift were old friends, though 
the intimacy had cooled. Twelve years before, when Swift 
was the idol of London society, courted by the Ministry for 
the political aid of his matchless pamphlets and pasquinades, 
by Dukes and Duchesses for his influence with Harley, the 
Prime Minister, by the wits of the town for his startling genius, 
Lord Abercorn had sought his advocacy for an object he had 
then much at heart. He was James Hamilton, eighth Earl 


of Abercorn, and was then seeking from the Court of France 
the Dukedom of Chatelherault, for which his kinsman the 
Duke of Hamilton was as eagerly competing. The claims 
were well balanced ; both nobles were descended from the 
Earl of Arran, Regent of Scotland, on whom the Dukedom 
of Chatelherault was confirmed by Henry II. of France in 
1548, in the time of the Franco-Scottish Alliance. The 
Abercorns were of the strict male line, the Duke claimed 
through an elder son ; but the male line was broken when 
the Duke of Chatelherault left a daughter sole heir, and this, 
Lord Abercorn contended, gave him precedence under the 
patent and on the analogy of the Salique law. In 
March, 171 2, Swift tells Stella that Lord Abercorn was 
wanting him to get him the Dukedom from the 
King of France ; " his pretensions were very just ; it's a 
great stir getting this Dukedom, but it's only to speak to the 
Secretary (Bolingbroke) and get the Duke of Ormonde to 
engage in it, and mention the case to Lord Treasurer (Harley) * 
and this I shall do ; " and so he did. But soon he was 
similarly courted by the rival claimant. The Duchess of 
Hamilton knitted him a pocket " with belt and buckles like 
a woman's " for a splendid gold snuffbox given him by Col. 
Hill, the famous Lady Masham's brother. Then Swift 
advised a compromise. It is most amusing to read how each 
side wooed him as if he were Prime Minister of Louis XIV. 
The Duke shortly after was killed, some said assassinated, 
in a duel with Lord Mohun, who was also killed ; but the 
Duchess and the Duke's brother, Lord Selkirk, still pressed 
the claim. In 1713 Swift writes : — " Lord Abercorn was 
here teasing me about his French Duchy, and suspecting me 
of partiality to the Hamilton family in such a whimsical 
manner that Dr. Pratt (Provost of Trinity College), who was 
by, thought he was mad. Then comes in the Earl of Selkirk 
(the Duke's brother), whom I had never seen before. He is 
going to France to negociate their pretensions to the Duchy 
of Chatelherault. He teased me for two hours in spite of my 
teeth, and held my hand when I offered to stir ; would have 
me engage the Ministry to favour him against Lord Abercorn, 

TEMP; GEORGE I., 1714-1727 161 

and convince them he had no pretensions ; and concluded 
he was sorry I was a greater friend to Abercorn than 
Hamilton. I had no patience, and used him with some plain- 
ness. Am not I gravely handled between a couple of puppies ? 
The Ministers gave me leave to tell the Hamiltons they are 
to agree with Abercorn." Swift's mediation met the common 
fate of mediators ; he tells Stella " neither Abercorn or Sel- 
kirk will now speak with me, I have disobliged both sides." 
Strange enough, this Cause Chatelheraidt remained undecided 
till our day, when our princely Lord Lieutenant, the first 
Duke of Abercorn, brought it to a crisis in the regime of 
Napoleon IIL, when the French tribunal finally decided in 
favour of the Duke of Hamilton's claim. 

Dr. Coghill was also an old friend of Swift's in the Queen 
Anne period. The Journa/ to Stella tells how " Dr. Coghill 
and I dined by invitation at ]\Irs. Vans' ". For, alas, even 
when writing these immortal love letters, Swift was visiting 
constantly at the Van Homrighs ; but he takes care never to 
mention poor Vanessa's name, suggesting the attraction to 
be her mother, Mrs. Van. Coghill was an eminent man, a 
Piivy Councillor, M.P. for Dublm University, Chancellor of 
the Irish Exchequer, and Judge of the Prerogative Court. 
In this latter capacity lies his present chief claim to immor- 
tality. In a conjugal suit here he decided that " moderate 
chastisement with a switch " of a wife by her lord was within 
the male conjugal right. This was very good old Common 
Law, having been laid down by husband judges ; but Coghill 
was unmarried. He was, at the time of the decision, wooing 
a lad}' with some success, but when she heard of his judgment 
she cut him at once, and he died an old bachelor. Strange, 
too, that this legal question was only decided in our day. 
In the last case aigued at the Bar by the Master of the 
Rolls, Sir Richard Collins, it was his duty to contend for 
the doctrine of moderate chastisement, but Lord Halsbury 
closured him peremptorily, and denounced the old dicta as 
the theories of a savage age. Coghill was son of Sir J. 
Coghill, Master in Chancery, and grand-uncle of the first 
of the Coghill baronets. 


These new governois were all accessions to our Board. 
Swift was with us for twelve years, an assiduous attendant 
till his infirmities became acute. He at once joined Arch- 
bishop Kmg's committees for the infirmary and the reform of 
our house and government. These included the restoration 
of our chapel, for the Archbishop was a wholesale restorer of 
churches, and to the Dean was specially entrusted the altar, 
the seats, and the pulpit. We shall have occasion again to 
recur to him as a governor. 

Our Board had now become the fashion, and was joined 
by many of the highest in the land. The Primate, Hugh 
Boulter, who then virtually governed in Ireland, became a 
governor in 1726, and was a valuable member for many years. 
He does not seem to have attended any meeting at which 
Archbishop King was present. They were antipathetic both 
in politics and in Church affairs. Dr. King being wholly 
opposed to his exclusion of all Irishmen from dignities in 
Church and State, and his general anti-Irish and somewhat 
secular spirit. The Primate had been elevated to Armagli 
in 1724, though usage would have pointed rather to the 
Archbishop of Dublin. This was about the time of their 
memorable first interview, when Dr. King, remaining seated 
in his chair, received the Primate, sa.ying, as he answered his 
salutation, " You see. Your Grace, I am too old to rise." 
About the same time we co-opted Sir Ralph Gore, Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, Lord Justice and a baronet. He had just 
presented to us a gift of £500 placed in his hands by his 
relative General Richard St. George, then the heir of the 
Kilkenny family of Woodsgift. St. George was cousin 
german of St. George Ashe, Bishop of Clogher, a bosom 
friend of Swift, and one of his brilliant coterie of punsters 
known as the Castilian Club in the early days of Queen Anne. 
Sir Ralph, who lived at Belleisle on Loch Erne, in his diocese, 
had married his daughter. Sir Ralph, as will be seen, had 
much to do with our after story. 

George the First died in June, 1727. In April, John 
Rogerson, our Recorder, who had filled that office just for 
the term of the King's reign, as Forster had held it during 

TEMP. GEORGE I., 1714-1727 163 

Queen Anne's reign, was now mada Chief Justice of the 
King's Bench. For ten years he had sat at our Board with 
his father, old Sir John, till the death of the latter in 1724. 
For thn-ty-two years Sir John had been one of our best 
governors ; he was a Dublin worthy, and must always be 
remembered as one of the chief makers of Dublin as it now 

In 1708 our hrst Ballast or Port and Docks Board 
as already mentioned had been formed, as the growing 
city required that the river channel should be so deepened 
and widened as to allow vessels to come up to the 
Custom House without discharging cargoes at Ringsend, 
to be carried in boats up the shallow estuar}'-, which 
then stretched in the form of an irregular V from the 
apex at Essex Bridge to the open sea, over shoals, 
sands, and gravel. There was no South or North Wall. 
Sir John Rogerson had leases from the city of the southern 
coast land, and he offered the Ballast Board to construct a 
wall and quay from Lazy PTill to Ringsend, along the foreshore 
fronting the line of the present Brunswick Street, if the city 
would grant him the intervening land in fee, and the Ballast 
Board would allow him the use of the surplus sand and gravel 
from which they raised their revenue by ballasting the ships, 
and which he needed to raise the low shore behind his sea 
wall. This was agreed. This great work occupied many years, 
but Sir John lived just to see it completed. It not only 
formed our first South Wall, but the raising of the quays 
enabled the necessary deepening of the channel, and led to 
the construction of the North Wall on the opposite shore. 
Sir John's ground, however, left the shore to the west, where 
College Street stands, open to the tides, which menaced the 
new work, so the city took on itself the continuation of the 
wall here, and thus we understand how these southern quays 
are still respectively known as Sir John Rogerson's and the 
City Quay respectively. The hinter-lands now became a 
very valuable heritage, which descended to the new Lord 
Chief Justice. He proved one of the most eminent judges 
of Ills day. With the Recordership he held the Solicitor- 


and Attorney-Generalship successively, and was a strong 
candidate for the dignity of Lord Chancellor just before he 
became Chief Justice. His daughter married Abraham 
Crichton, the first Lord Erne, whose successors still inherit 
the large property by Liffey side behind and be3''ond the 
quays that still hand down the Rogerson name. In the same 
year the Corporation undertook the construction of the 
North Wall on the opposite shore, on the line of the 
present Custom House and steamship quays. x\ll the 
slob lands behind, and estuary of the Tolka to the Clontarf 
Road was now laid out in lots by the iVssembly. An interest- 
ing map of the design and the city order appears in Sir John 
Gilbert's Calendar ; it shows a channel left for the Tolka on 
the line from Baliybough Bridge to the Clontarf Island still 
lying opposite the Clontarf Road, with the allotments as 
ordered by Thomas Bolton, Lord Mayor, and our Chairman 
in 1717. In these signal advances of Dublin the Blue Coat 
played a part ; for the city, in debt for Rogerson's South 
Wall, applied to our Board, and obtained from us a loan of 
/i,ooo at six per cent. 

Our Chairmen, Lord ^Mayors in George I.'s time, were : — 

John Stoyte 


Thos. Bolton ... 


Anthony Barkey 


William Quaile 


Thomas Wilkinson 


George Forbes 


Thomas Curtis 


WiUiam Dickson 


John Porter 


John Reyson ... 


Joseph Kane 


WiUiam Enipson 


[ i^^5 ] 

TEMP. GEORGE II. i7_^7-i744. 

The first act of the Board in George II. 's reign was to re-elect 
Chief Justice Rogerson : the assembly had chosen Francis 
Stoyte, who, like his predecessor, was a Lord Mayor's son, 
Recorder in his place.' The Lord Mayors of this period used 
to give a ball on each St. Stephen's Night, but in 1728 the 
Assembly made an order reciting that great inconveniences 
had ensued in late years from the custom, and directed that 
it should be discontinued, and that the Lord Mayor for the 
time being should pay over twenty guineas to the Blue Coat 
School in lieu of his feast ; the Lord Mayors were thus raised 
to the level of the Bishops. It is not stated what the incon- 
veniences of these revelries were, but the Lord Mayors would 
seem to liave made a good bargain by the composition, and 
the Blue Coat School certainly gained. In the same year, 
1728, Richard Wesley, afterwards first Lord Mornington, and 
who had been some time a governor, transmitted to our Board 
a legacy of £500, left by the will of his relative, Garret Wesley 
of Dangan, in Meath, whose heir and executor he was and 
whose surname he took ; for his birth name was Richard 
Colley, representative of the Colleys of Castle Carbery. He 
was raised to the peerage as Lord Mornington in 1746, and 
then altered the surname to Wellesley. By his son Garrett 
he was grandfather of the great Marquess Wellesley and his 
greater brother, the great Iron Duke. He was one of our most 
assiduous governors for years, and his name gives us an his- 
torical association to which we gladly hold. In 1729 the 
Speaker of the House of Commons, the Right Hon. WilHam 
Connolly of Castletown, sat on our Board, but he died in the 

^ Gilbert's Calendar 7, 425. 


following year; and at the same time sat the Lord Chancellor, 
Thomas Wyndham, of whom a word presently. In 1730, 
after the death of Archbishop King, his successor, Dr. 
Hoadley, was co-opted a governor in his stead. 

All this led to onr recognition in other public quarters. 
The Royal College of Ph57sicians, one of whose members had 
attended as our medical oiftcer ever since their recognition of 
the School in 1701, now sent us in 1729 a fresh resolution 
stating that the President and Fellows, out of regard for the 
good and welfare of the Hospital, had transferred their 
attendance thereat for the future to Dr. Alexander 
McNaghten, as fully qualified for the charge, the President, 
Dr. Cope, assuring our Board that on the removal of Dr. 
McNaghten by death or otherwise the College would always 
take care that our house should be supplied with physicians 
as formerly. This was gratefully accepted ; we thus obtained 
a permanent doctor who acted without salar}^ 

The Parliament of the Blue Coat. 
The patronage of some of our grandee governors at this 
time was not perhaps given without some ulterior object of 
their own. In 1729 was laid the foundation stone of the new 
Houses of Parliament, on the site of Chichester House, in 
College Green, Lord Chancellor Wyndham taking a leading 
part in the ceremony. Meanwhile the Houses had not where 
to lay their heads : there was no room at Castle or Four 
Courts. Lord Carteret being then Lord Lieutenant, the 
Government, at the end of 1728, applied to our Board to give 
the Houses place in the Hospital in the ensuing session. At 
our meeting in November Sir Ralph Gore obtained a Com^- 
mittee to consider the question, who reported forthwith, 
assigning as " most convenient for the use of Parliament " 
the whole ground and first floor of the Hospital and School, 
viz., the Great Hall, the Governors' room, with the Clerk's 
office, the Chaplain's apartmicnts upstairs, with the two 
rooms on the same floor, the several rooms on the side of the 
passage leading from the hall to the garden, the Chapel and 
the Ste\\ard's apartments upstairs, with the three rooms 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 167 

opposite same. Thisappro]:)riation the Committee concedes to 
be the '" most proper, and which can best be spared with the 
least prejudice and inconvenience to this House."' " In the 
meantime, the boys," they add, with dehghtful naivete, " may 
eate in the Stone Gallery," and that " the chaplain do read 
prayers in the school room up two paire stairs." He and the 
steward are to provide lodgings " near at hand." The report 
ends with a very wise direction that " all avenues " are to be 
made up, to prevent the boys interfering with the part of the 
Hospital granted to Parliament. The temptation to enter 
tlie House prematurely might be too strong even for boys 
with a better place to '• eate " in than the Stone Gallery. This 
report, however, was adopted unanimously and at once. No 
wonder Sir Ralph Gore was chosen Speaker next year. The 
Hospital paid dearly for their complacent hospitality. So 
King's Hospital was the Parliament House of Ireland from 
23rd September, 1729, to 15th April, 1730. The session was 
opened by Lord Carteret in person, who " arrayed in royal 
robes entered the House of Lords with the usual ceremonies of 
grandeur, and seated himself in the chair of State." His 
influence in this parliament was very great, for great was the 
interest he took in its proceedings. He attended again on 
24th October, when Sir Ralph Gore presented himself on 
knee as newly chosen Speaker in the room of the Right Hon. 
William Connolly, who had just resigned from ill health. 
Thrice again he came in person, in December to receive the 
loyal addresses voting supplies to the Crown, and in April to 
give the royal assent to the bills before prorogation. But his 
keen sympathy in all that was for the material prosperity of 
Ireland, and which he transfused through the Houses, was 
the chief ground of his popularity. In the same year he for- 
warded to Holies, Duke of Newcastle, a memorial of the 
Dublin merchants complaining that under Acts of Chas. 11. 
and Wm. III. importation into Ireland was penally forbidden 
of any merchandise from the English plantations in America, 
Africa, or Asia, and the consequent loss and inconvenience. 
Carteret indorses the memorial, stating " I have personally 
inquired into the particulars, and find that Ireland is under 


necessity of sending to foreign markets and trading with tne 
French and other foreigners to procure commodities which 
they are prohibited from importing from British plantations." 
Verily we are not ashamed of this our Parliament of the Blue 
Coat. Reading the Journals one might think he had before 
him proposals of our Congested Districts Board or Sir Horace 
Plunkett, for they cast striking lights on social and material 
problems even now in evolution. The great measure of the 
session was that " for the encouragement, the better employ- 
ment of the Poor, for more effectively draining and improving 
Bogs and unprofitable ground, and for expediting the 
carriage of goods from one part to another of the Kingdome." 
This became 3 Geo. II., c. 3. By this a Commission of the 
magnates of Ireland was constituted, with elastic powers, 
armed with a Developement Fund raised bv taxes on 
carriages and chairs, plate, cards and dice. Then there are bills 
for cleansing the ports and harbours of Cork, Waterford, 
Limerick, Galway, Sligo, Wexford, and New Ross ; for 
establishing ballast boards in Belfast and Drogheda ; one to 
promote the finding of mines and minerals within the King- 
dom, and one to enable the governors of the Workhouse in 
Dublin to employ the poor therein. We have the germ of 
Trades Union law in a bill to prevent unlawful combinations 
of workmen, artizans, and labourers, with beneficent pro- 
visions for the better paym.ent of their wages. An early order 
directs our Recorder, Francis Stoyte, then sitting for Hills- 
borough, to attend the Lord Lieutenant with the heads of a 
bin to prevent the running of goods and encouragement of 
Fair Traders to be transmitted to London under Poyning's 
Act. Were these " runners " the forerunner of Mr. Chamber- 
lains " dumpers," and the Fair Traders a shadow of Tariff 
Reform ? There are beneficent measures for Relief of Insol- 
vent Debtors, for the extension and repair of churches, for 
enforcing residence of the clergy, and many local ones, as for 
the better lighting of Dublin and Cork, and for making the 
present coach road to Naas and Dublin. And the House 
could deal strongly with abuses. Aldermen Wilkinson and 
Bolton, both, alas ! governors of ours, are by statute made 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 169 

incapable of being made Justices of the Peace for taking 
extortionate fees in that capacity. 

But our glory in this Parliament is the spirit of our own 
great governor, Swift, which it breathed. He was then in 
the fury of his marvellous war against the trade greed of 
England, and the anti-Irish policy of Primate Boulter. We 
can see his figure now animating the generosity of Carteret 
and the patriotism of the Houses. Their measures are at 
least an effort to reflect the Short View of the State of 
Ireland which he had thundered forth to greet Carteret's 
return to Ireland in 1727. This he had followed in 1729 witli 
his historic letter to Archbishop King, and then with 
his Modest Proposal for fattening Irish Babes, our only 
available manufactm-e, for market, which is, perhaps, the 
most consummate sample of hideous-grotesque power the 
genius of satire has ever conceived. With much of his policy 
Carteret had a sympathy intense. They were now close, social, 
and literary friends. Swift dined tete-a-tete with the ^'iceroy 
repealedly during this session. One clause in the great bill 
for encouraging industries would alone prove the presence of 
the spirit behind the scenes ; this was a project for lending 
money without interest to deserving tradesmen who had no 
capital, a plan long adopted by the Dean himself with self- 
denying success, and which, though now forgotten, was a main 
element in his unrivalled popularity with the people of 
Dublin. It is not actually embodied in the Act as passed, but 
may have been \\ithin the powers of the Commission in 
administering their Development Fund. When the Lord 
Lieutenant came in state to close the session in April in the 
Blue Coat, both Houses presented him with a cordial address, 
" for his constant care for the welfare and prosperity of the 
Nation, and especially for obtaining the King's assent to the 
Fund for improving tillage and trade." This referred to the 
remission of the hereditary CrowTx duties on wool and yarn, 
which, in assenting to the measure, the Viceroy announced 
he had obtained from the English Government. He replied 
to the address in person with characteristic grace. Shortly 
after he resigned the \'iceroyalty, returning to England, 


where he became the first Earl Granville and a great states- 
man there. He was no partisan of Walpole, who was then 
supreme, and to whom Swift was a hete noir, and whose 
intimacy, there is too much reason to believe, was in part a 
cause of his resignation, which was deplored by all here. He 
was a universal favourite in the city. In 1726 the Corpora- 
tion, in a loyal address to George XL specially thank his 
Majesty " for the great regard shown to this nation in sending 
Lord Carteret, whose just and prudent administration has 
rendered him highly acceptable to your subjects of this 
Kingdom." He was very friendly to the Blue Coat. Lady 
Carteret nominated several of our boys. 

Our Blue Coat Parliament has been severely criticized for 
the very unconstitutional proposal made by Coghill as Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer to vote the additional duties for a 
period of twenty-one years and thus so far leave the Govern- 
ment independent of the House for all that time. To the 
credit of the House the bill was rejected, but only by a 
majority of one, the votes being 51 to 50. It is most unlikely 
that Carteret had suggested such a measure ; had he been 
more self-willed and ambitious his great talents would have 
raised him higher than he reached. The arbitrary policy was 
much more likely to have emanated from Primate Boulter, 
who ruled as an Undertaking Lord Justice in the absence of 
the Lord Lieutenant, and would have ruled despotically if he 
dared. Our Parliament was the " Longest " on record, the 
Blue Coat session being its second ; it lasted through the 
whole reign of George II., and this abuse led to the 
Octennial Act passed early in the following reign. 

Pending the session, school went on in the Stone Galler}'" 
and garrets. The Board had reserved a joint right to their 
own room for their weekly meetings, and, perhaps attracted 
by the society of the Senate, the attendance of governors was 
above the average. But the boys seem to have been restive 
in their attic, if not classical, quarters, for several were 
discharged out of the house, "'never to be admitted again," as 
being vagabonds and running away ! and William Rowland 
for being " a stubborne and incorrigible boy was straight 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 171 

sent to sea." We may excuse Parliament for its monopoly of 
the Blue Coat in view of their good work, but when the 
" avenues " were removed, and the boys came down, all 
things were in disastrous disarray. Every passage and lobby 
had been absorbed and trampled. Even the poor butler had 
been expelled to give an office to the House, and had a grant 
from the Board of £2 i8s. 4d. for three quarters of a rent for 
a room outside. Parliament was prorogued by several 
adjournments to the autumn of 1731, for it then sat in 
alternate years, and when it met Lionel, Duke of Dorset, 
reigned in Carteret's stead. Our Board petitioned the Com- 
mons in November, 1731, for the expenses of rebuilding our 
dilapidated school, and there was a separate petition of our 
officers to be compensated for disturbance and eviction, but 
the result was only a scanty vote of £200 to the governors 
towards rebuilding by reason of alterations made for Parlia- 
ment, £30 to Rev. Mr. Gibbons, our chaplain ; /20 to Alfred 
Howard, the agent ; and £20 to Thorne, the steward. This 
pittance was all we ever received for rent and the dilapida- 
tions, from which the old edifice never recovered. Carteret 
would have secured us better than that. 

It should be mentioned, however, that in this session of 
1731-32 a Merchant Seamen's Act was passed, by which all 
penalties were appropriated for the benefit of King's Hospital. 

The return for our hospitality was ungracious as well as 
ungenerous. In the Lord Lieutenant's absence, Thomas Lord 
Chancellor Wyndham was head of the Government and Presi- 
dent of the Priw Council, then all potent. From the Council 
came this letter to our steward : 

" Dublin Castle, yth October, 1732. 
" Mr. Thorne, 

" Their excellencies the Lords Justices have commanded me 
to signify to you their pleasure that you forthwith deliver to 
Mrs. Heath or her order the Chair, Cushion, and Footstool 
belonging to the Government which were placed in the House 
of Lords when it was held in the Blue Coat Hospital, 

'' I am your humble servant, 

" Thos Tickell." 


This letter is a prize among our archives, a fine autograph, and 
all in the strong hand of Tickell, the poet, eulogist, and elegist 
of Addison, who first brought him to Ireland many years 
before. He was now Secretary to the Privy Council, the 
intimate of Swift and Dr. Delany of Delville, Glasnevin, so 
continuing to his death in 1740. The sequel of the chair is 
told in a manuscript of Thorne indorsed on Tickell's letter, 
so graphic that we give it in full : — 

" I received this letter Munday morning about 8 of the 
clock. I told Mrs. Heath that I could do nothing, but would 
waite on my Lord Mayor and give her his lordship's answer 
by 4 in the afternoon. She sent to me, and I sent her word 
that my Lord Mayor could give no order without a board of the 
governors, but atthenext meeting he would lay the letter before 
them and then return an answer. Tuesday, about two o'clock 
afternoon, a person came to me from the Lord Chancellor 
ordering me to attend his Lordship at 4 of the clock, at the 
Bishop of Tuam's in Cavan (Kevin) Street. I first waited on 
my Lord Mayor, and acquainted him that I was sent for by 
the Lord Chancellor. His Lordship ordered me to acquaint 
His Excellency that he could give no order of himself, but if 
there were a necessity, he would call a board Wednesday 
morning. I went to my Lord Chancellor. When he came 
out to me, and Secretary Tickle (sic) in his company, he 
demanded me why I did not obe}' the Government's orders. 
I told him I was under the direction of the governors of the 
Blue Coat Hospital, and could not part with anything with- 
out their orders. I also told him I was just come from m}^ 
Lord Mayor, and would have delivered my orders. His 
Excellency stopped me, and said rriy Lord Mayor was 
out of the question. Demanded of me who put the 
Thrown (sic) in my custody, and whether I would keep 
it, and said, ' Sir, I demand of you whether you will de- 
liver it or not ? ' I answered I could not without orders 
from the governors. His Lordship replied with some warmth 
— ' Sir, if you do not, I will have you turned out of your place 
to-morrow,' to which I made a bow. His Lordship returned 
to his company. I immediately went to my Lord Mayor, 
who dined at the 3 tunns in Essex Street. There were present 
Alderman Curtis, Alderman Porter, Alderman Hunt, 2 
Shiriffs. My Lord Mayor with their approbation ordered me 
to send the Chair and Stool to the Castle, which I did by John 
Hodgin, Butler to the Hospital." 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 173 

It is not hard to decide as to the relative dignity of the 
peremptory Lord Chancellor, who would not wait till Wed 
nesday,and the poor servant, who was only doing his duty to 
his masters. This throne left in the fragments of our broken 
furniture would have been a splendid relic of our Parliament, 
for this was the chair in which Carteret had sat in state on his 
four visits to the Houses, under the canopy from which he 
gave the royal assent to the aids voted to the Crown in the 
old Norman French : Le roy remercie scs bons sujets, accepte 
leur benevolence et ainsi le veult. When in June, 1904, Lord 
Dudley inaugurated the completion of our buildings by the 
cupola, after one hundred and twenty years, our chairman, 
addressing His Excellency, lamented that we had not the 
throne wherein he might sit as a great predecessor had done : 
it was added that we should have taken care that he should 
find in it no thorn to disturb him. 

The Lord Mayor and our Chairman, under whom Thorne 
had hastened to take shelter, was Humfrey French, w^ho had 
just commenced his Mayoralty. He is known as the good 
Lord Mayor (1732-33) ; his portrait is in the National Por- 
trait Gallery. He was dining at the Three Tuns that 
October day probably to celebrate his inauguration, and did 
not care to begin with a quarrel with the Privy Council even 
for a throne ; but he was boomed by Swift next year, 1733, 
W'hen candidate for the city, in a memorable broadside to the 
freemen recommending him as one who would vote patriotic- 
ally, whilst his opponent, Alderman Macarell, who held an 
appointment under Government, would not dare to oppose 
anti-Irish measures. " He has shewn," says Swift, " more 
virtue, more activity, more skill in one year's government of 
the cit}^ than a hundred years can equal." This secured his 
election. Lord Chancellor Wyndham should have been gentler 
to Thorne, for he was himself one of our governors, and had 
been one of thirty-seven eagles gathered together at our P>oard 
of September, 1729, when Thorne was elected our Steward, 
vice John Kirkwood, deceased. Lord Mayor Page in the chair, 
and with him, beside Wyndham, sat Primate Boulter, 
Connolly, Speaker of the House, the Bishops of Meath and 


Kildare, and a great tale of aldermen and sheriffs ; and he 
was still a member of the Board. He afterwards acted on our 
Committee in 1737 to support our petition to Parliament for 
a grant to rebuild, and at his death he bequeathed £300 to 
the Hospital. Perhaps he felt he had been a little too severe 
in the case of the throne. He was ancestor of the Right Hon. 
George Wyndham, lately our brilliant Chief Secretary for 
Ireland. Secretary Tickell, too, should have been friendly ; 
we had admitted a boy at his request in 1727. 

In January, 1730, our Secretary, Bartholomew Wybrants, 
resigned, after a faithful service of thirty-six years. He was 
one of those clerks whose clerkly talent rises almost to genius, 
and by whom a vast part of the world's work is done, though 
they be unknown to the world. Every line of our first Minute 
Book, from our beginning in 1675 to 1731, is under his hand ; 
for, though only appointed in 1694, he transcribed all the 
previous entries into the books, and after his resignation con- 
tinued the entries for a twelvemonth. During his tenure with 
us he also acted as Clerk to the Commons in the Town Council. 
He merits a kind memory for his own sake, but a romantic 
domestic tragedy has connected him with the literature of 
Queen Anne's time, for the story is told by Sir Richard Steele 
in No. 172 of the Taller, May, 1710. Wybrants belonged to a 
respectable family of Dutch extraction, which, like many 
others,was made free of Dublin city in Dutch William's reign. 
Steele uses the tragedy as an epilogue to an essay on the sad 
results of passion let loose between friends, and especially in 
mariied life, strikingly observing that there is a sex in souls. 
Wybrants' daughter was the wife of Mr. Eustace, a young 
gentleman of a good estate near Dublin. She was of a lively 
spirit, but somewhat high-tempered. The married couple 
and the lady's sister supped together in the spring of 1710. 
when a commonplace wrangle arose between the sisters. 
Eustace, intervening, took violent sides against his wife, who, 
vainly reminding him that their disputes were forgotten in 
half an hour, to close the quarrel retired to her bed. The 
husband followed, and, with a dagger he had brought with 
him, stabbed her in her sleep. Awaking, and thinking it was 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 175 

an attack on her husband by ruffians, for theirs was a lonely 
country house, she roused him to defend himself ; he was 
feigning sleep, but he gave her a second wound in 
the dark. Then by the moonlight she saw that 
it was he. Horror disarmed her from further struggling, 
and, enraged anew at being discovered, he fixed 
his poniard in her bosom, and, believing he had 
dispatched her, souglit to escape b}'' the window. But 
when still alive she called on him not to hurt himself, as she 
was still alive ; in an access of fury he jumped on the bed and 
wounded her all over with as much rage as if ever}^ blow was 
provoked by new aggravations. Then he fled ; she died 
next day. Some weeks after, an officer of justice, attempting 
to arrest him, on his resistance fired at him, as did the 
criminal at the officer. Both balls took fatal effect. In Jones's 
British Classics, 1823, there is a sensational engravmg bv 
Corbould of this bedroom scene. Alfred Howard was chosen 
our Agent in Wybrants' stead. 

Our poor chaplain, Richard Gibbons, did not long survive 
his extrusion from his quarters by Parliament, or even long 
enough to receive the pittance of £30 awarded him, for 
he died in December, 1731. Forty-nine governors, eagles 
gathered together fro more, met to elect his successor, the 
Primate, Lord Chancellor, Archbishop Hoadley, the Lord 
Chief Justice, Bishops of Meath and Kildare, Sir Ralph Gore, 
and Swift attending. They had before them the valuable 
report of a Committee as to the duties of the chaplain and 
schoolmaster, which recites the original order made when Mr. 
Colquit was appointed second chaplain in 1680, as set forth, 
ante, p. 88, also that of 7 May, 1708 (p. 131, ante), requiring 
the chaplain to preach and read prayers every Sunday, and 
to teach and expound the Church catechism every Sunday 
in the Chapel ; the Committee report that the order as to 
preaching was once respited for six months on account of a 
law suit, when Rev. Mr. Carr was chaplain, but was never 
reversed, and they find that several of the above duties of 
the chaplain and schoolmaster have been for some years past 
wholly omitted, and are of opinion they ought to be revived. 


This report is very noteworthy, not only as showing the 
strictly denominational nature of the Hospital, which 
obtained for it an exemption from the Educational Endow- 
ments Act of 1885, but because we trace in it the strong hand 
of the great Dean of St. Patrick's. The original, still in our 
archives, is signed by seven governors, of which " Jonath. 
Swift " stands second, immediately after Humfrey French, 
Lord Mayor. An order had been made a few months before 
that Testaments and Prayer Books should be supplied to 
every boy, and that in future no boy should be admitted 
without a Bible and Prayer Book provided by their friends 
at their first entrance. 

The Grattans and the Blue Coat. 

But we scarcely dare attribute this conflux of 49 
governors solely to spiritual zeal. There was the 
great question of the appointment of chaplain and 
headmaster, for which there were several candidates. 
The Reverend Ralph Grattan was chosen. Small 
chance for any other, for ?ie was a nephew and namesake 
of the speaker, Ralph Gore, one of the 49, as also 
nephew of another of them. Alderman Sir Richard Grattan, 
who, four years after, was our Chairman and Lord Mayor, 
whilst he and his uncle. Sir Richard, belonged to the clan 
Grattan, dear to Swift, who took a chief part, as we have seen, 
at the meeting that day. This clan was of his inner circle, 
he dubbed them " the Grattans, a set of men as generally 
acquainted and as much beloved, as any one family in the 
nation ; nay, to such a degree, that some of the most con- 
siderable men in the church desired and thought it a favour 
to be adopted by them, and admitted Grattans." " Pray, 
my Lord," Swift asked Lord Carteret, " have you the honour 
to be acquainted with the Grattans ?" Carteret replying 
that he had not that honour, "' tlien, pray, my Lord, take 
care to obtain it, it is of great consequence, the Grattans can 
raise ten thousand men." The Grattans, properly so called, 
were then the seven sons of the Reverend Doctor Patrick 
Grattan, Senior Fellow of Trinity College, of whom Dr. 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 177 

Delany (another Swiftian) says he had often heard the 
Bishop of Clogher (St. George Ashe, another Swiftian), 
declare that he kept hospitahty beyond both the lords who 
hved on either side of him, though both were considered 
hospitable. The seven sons were : — i, Henry ; 2, Rev. 
Wilham ; 3, James, M.D. ; 4, Rev. Robert ; 5, Rev. John ; 
6, Sir Richard ; 7, Charles. Of these, Henry was father of 
James Grattan, Recorder of Dublin, and one of our governors, 
1756-66 ; he was father of the great Henry, the patriot, who 
was born in the year after Swift's death. The Rev. William 
was a Fellow of Trinity, he married a sister of Sir Ralph Gore, 
and was father of our chaplain, Ralph, who held that office 
for forty-one years. Dr. James, the third brother, \vas an 
eminent physician, and President of the Royal College of 
Physicians, in which office we have seen him in 1706, pro- 
mising, on behalf of the College, always to supply a Physician 
to our Hospital, on the wise condition that we should set 
apart rooms for an infirmary. The Rev. Robert was pre- 
bendary of Howth, in the Chapter of St. Patrick's, and as 
such, a colleague of Swift, and rector of St. Audoen's. The 
Rev. John was rector of Raheny, and became prebendary 
of Clonmethan, in the Chapter of St. Patrick's in 1720, 
doubtless, due to his friend, the great Dean. Sir Richard, 
our chairman in 1735-6, presented our petition to Parliament 
in 1735 ; he died during his mayoralty. The youngest brother, 
Charles, obtained a Fellowship in the Dublin University 
and applied for a royal dispensation from taking Holy Orders, 
which, failing to obtain within the prescribed period, his 
fellowship lapsed under the College statutes, and he came 
over to London to obtain from Queen Anne such an exten- 
sion of time as would enable him to be ordained. Swift, 
then in his zenith of favour with ministers, took up the case. 
Writing to Stella, in March, 1714, he tells her : — " I spoke 
to all the ministers yesterday about it, but they say the 
Queen is angry, and thought it a trick to deceive her, and 
she is positive, and so the man must be ruined, for I cannot 
help him'-." We know that Anne, like many weak people, 

'-Journal to S/dla, iQtli March, 1712-13. 



was adamantine in some things, and, especially on things 
that related to the church. So Charles Grattan, failing his 
Fellowship, was forced to be content with the mastership 
of the Royal School of Enniskillen. This case seems first 
to have connected Swift with the Grattans, for he tells Stella 
that he had never seen Charles before. But the connection 
was lifelong. Dr. James, Robert, and John are all legatees 
in Swift's will, and Robert and John are executors. To 
Robert he leaves his gold corkscrew, his best beaver hat, and 
his strong box ; the latter to go to Dr. James for life, " as 
having more use for it," for the Doctor was a landed pro- 
prietor. To John he gives " my silver box, in which the 
freedom of the City of Cork was presented to me, in which I 
desire said John to keep the tobacco he usually cheweth, 
called pigtail." Sir Richard left £100 to the Blue Coat, on 
condition that one of his executors should be chosen a 
governor, and, accordingly, the Rev. John was elected in 
1742, thus giving us again two of " the Grattans " on our 
Board. The clan were chief members of the symposial set, 
which included their cousins, Dan and John Jackson, Dr. 
Sheridan, Dr. Delany, and the Dean himself. Their meets 
were often at Belcamp, St. Doulough's, where Dr. James 
lived, and where, perhaps, that gold corkscrew and the pig- 
tail were not unknown. In the next generation the connec- 
tion of the Grattans with King's Hospital was still main- 
tained, when their nephew, James, became our Recorder, 
and a governor, but we must regret that his son, the great 
Henry Grattan, never joined the Board. His burning 
politics left him no sympathy for anything so narrow as a 
City School. 

Belcamp belonged successively to two of our Grattan 
governors, for Dr. James left it to his brother, John, and he, 
in turn, devised it to his nephew, James, the Recorder. One 
of the revellers, rhyming upon it, says, that " when Swift 
and Dr. Delany were absent, Christmas appears at Belcamp 
like Lent." 

Thorne was a faithful steward. In 1731 there were 160 
boys in the School. Their uniforms were made by a con- 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 179 

tractor, one King, the governors supplying the cloth. The, 
coats were of blue woollen frieze, and the cassocks they then 
wore of yellow, the Irish fabric Swift was so earnest to have 
introduced into England ; the linings were of Irish linen. 
Thome, observing the very large measure charged in King's 
accounts, suspected something was wrong, and, of his own 
motion, employed an old Blue Coat boy, Christopher Evans, 
who had gone into the trade, to measure three of the suits, 
which were found to contain seven and a half yards of blue, six 
yards of yellow cloth, and three of linen, as compared with 
nine yards of blue, seven and a half yards of yellow, and the 
linen in proportion, as charged in King's accounts. And Thorne 
thus calculated that in each of a series of years, the con- 
tractor had cheated the governors by eighty yards of blue, 
and eighty of yellow cloth, and some twenty-four of linen. 
Thome's calculation was examined by the governors and 
found to be correct. King was found guilty of the fraud, with 
the governors further verdict that he intended to continue it. 
So King was ignominiously dethroned, and Christopher 
Evans, as the industrious apprentice, was chosen in his 
stead. But poor Thorne, too, did not long survive his 
extrusion by the Parliament of the Blue Coat. He died in 
1738. He was a valuable officer, holding with his stewardship, 
the coUectorship of the city tolls, and in the letter of Sir 
Williams FowTies to Swift, in 1732, containing an elaborate 
scheme for the founding of a Lunatic Asylum, which the 
Dean afterwards so warmly adopted, Thorne is suggested as 
the proper treasurer. 

The state of our structure was now a burning question. 
In 1733 the Board started a rebuilding fund, to which Lord 
Mayor Nathaniel Kane gave £100, and they addressed their 
second petition to the House of Commons in the next session 
of 1735, setting forth our needs and showing that as their 
income was only sufficient for the maintenance of the school, 
if this were applied to rebuilding, this useful charity must 
cease for many years. They annex a plan, which, if executed 
in the plainest and least expensive manner, was computed 
to cost £6,000. The Commons appointed a Committee, whose 


report was presented by Stannard, the Recorder, then 
Member for Middleton, to the effect that the petitioners had 
proved their case, and the Hon. Arthur Hill, Member for Co. 
Down, and David Chuigneau, Member for Gowran, and both 
governors were directed to bring in a bill. This went into 
Committee ; it provided an aid to the Hospital by a tax on 
oranges and lemons, but it added a clause for appointing 
new governors under the Act. To this the governors 
indignantly objected as an undue alteration of their old 
constitution, whereas " no mismanagement had been alleged 
against the present governors," and they resolved 
that the bill or petition be no further pursued. This was 
unfortunate, as the sequel proved, for their parliamentary 
hopes were never again so near bearing even such fruit as 
these oranges and lemons would have yielded. So, failing 
Parliament, the governors sought for voluntary contributions, 
but it would need years to reach £6,000 by these ; the ruin 
was now waxing perilous, and a renewed petition to the next 
session of 1737 was resolved on. The drafting Committee 
met at the Parliament House itself to prepare it, headed by 
Sir James Somerville, our chairman. It described the build- 
ing as in so ruinous a condition as to absolutely need restora- 
tion, and asked £6,000 as before, which, if supplied out of 
the Hospital funds, would disable the charit}' for years. The 
petition, presented by Somerville and his colleague. Alderman 
Pearson, the members for the city, was referred to a Com- 
mittee of the House, who were given special powers af 
examining witnesses and calling for records. ]Meanwhile in 
December the peril became desperate, and a Minute records 
" that the]\Iiddle Isle (aisle) of the Hospital is in so dangerous 
a condition, that to preserve the liv^es of 138 boys and 8 
nurses, which will, in all probability, be destroyed with its 
fall, which they apprehend ^^dll be very soon by the assistance 
of the high winds this winter, it is ordered that said boys 
and nurses be immediately removed to less dangerous parts 
of the Hospital, and in case there be not sufficient room to 
contain them, the governors' room be fitted up to put the 
rest in." 

TEMP. GEORCxE II., 1727-1744 181 

Thereupc»n, perhaps, the strongest committee we ever 
have had was selected to support the petition before Parha- 
ment. The Primate Boulter, Archbishop Hoadley of Dublin, 
L. C. Justice Rogerson, Bishop Price of Meath, and Dr. Cobb 
of Kildare, and eleven members of the Commons, the 
Speaker, Henry Boyle (Cork), Somerville (Lord Mayor), and 
Aid. Eason (Dublin City), Stannard, Recorder (Middleton), 
Hon. xA.rthur Hill (Down), Richard Wesley (Trim), Luke 
Gardiner (Thomastown), Aid. Chuigneau (Gowran), Aid. 
Dawson (Portarlington), Aid. Falkiner (Baltinglass), M. 
Coghill (Dublin University), and Robt. Ross (Newry). Armed 
with the terrors of the " Middle Isle," it might be thought sucli 
voices as these must prevail for at least /6,ooo, but the 
petition seems never to have emerged from the Select 
Committee. This may have been because the Commons were 
offended at the rejection by our governors of their lemon bill 
of the previous session, or more probably because they were 
then engaged in finding money to complete their own Parlia- 
ment House, which, for several years, remained incomplete 
after the Houses had actually sat there. And yet our 
supporters were amongst the strongest men in the Commons. 
Henry Boyle, who had succeeded Sir R. Gore as Speaker, 
ruled the country for many years, as one of the Undertaking 
Lords Justices, now the friend, now the enemy, of the 
handsome Primate Stone, and was ultimately raised to the 
Earldom of Shannon. Coghill was Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, two were afterwards, peers, Arthur Hill 
as Viscount Dungannon, Richard Wesley, first Viscount 
Mornington, and Luke Gardiner's son was afterwards Lord 
Mountjoy. Sir James Somerville, one of the most respected 
citizens, came to us as Master of St. iVnne's 
Guild ; he was ancestor of the Lords Athlumney. 
They might have secured us £6,000. This failure deterred 
the Board from appealing to Parliament for a generation 
to come. The condition of the buildings during this decade 
had a calamitous effect on the discipline of the School, as the 
fierce quaint entries too often show. In 1732, Adam Darling 
is discharged as a runaway vagabond, and John Mead is 


ordered " to be publicly whipped by all the boys of this house 
out of the gate thereof, and never more admitted therein." 
He was an E. Smith boy, and Coghill the treasurer, is ordered 
to have notice. In 1735, James Maddox is sent to the work- 
house " for stealing wine out of the Rev. Ralph Grattan's 
chambers, and enticing John Davis and Wm. Brown to do 
the same, for which said Davis and Brown are ordered to be 
severely lashed in the hall in the presence of all the boys." 
This wine story seems to imply that our chaplain shared in 
the convivial nature of his clan, as commemorated in Dr. 
Sheridan's couplet : — 

" The time, O ye Grattans, was happily spent 
When Bacchus went with me wherever I went." 

Yet the Total Abstinence Societies could scarce have 
inflicted more terrible penalties for this unlicensed sharing 
with a Grattan cellar. In October, 1737, we read, " Wm 
Jones, Sr., being a vicious, incorrigible boy, he be sent to the 
Plantations the first opportunity." In February, 1738, 
" Whereas, several vicious, incorrigible boys have of late 
been detected picking locks, thieving, getting drunk, mitch- 
mg and running away : Geo. Runy and Peter Lynch now 
run away, and guilty of the above facts, to be expelled, and 
never more admitted. Arthur Lockhart and Wm. Harrison 
to be immediately lashed out of the house by the boys, and, 
if their parents agree, to be sent to the Plantations." Six 
less guilty are "to be publickly lashed in such manner as 
the steward pleases, and the governors, will, according to 
their behaviour, consider how to dispose of them." It is to 
be pleaded for these delinquents that this was the time when 
" The Middle Isle " was in danger of falling on them, and 
when they would have been safer in the Stone Gallery, whither 
they were sent by the Blue Coat Parliament, and the poor 
runaways might also have pleaded an incident worthy of a 
page of Dickens in Dotheboys Hall. In 1735 the governors 
held an inquiry over Hugh Smith, the butler, on a complaint 
by the boys, that he habitually cut off from the share of bread 
allotted to each, a small piece which he put into his own 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 183 

pocket. His defence before the Board is delightful and 
ingenious, his assize of bread was that he might have a 
stock with which to reward the boys, whom he, the butler, 
considered the most deserving. The Board gravely ordered 
" that it was none of his business to distinguish the merits 
of any boy by depriving others of the due the governors were 
pleased to allow them, and, being reprimanded, he remains 
in the service on his good behaviour for the future." 

The voluntary building fund was continued, and much 
money was collected, but it never was enough to restore on 
the thorough scale, and so it was virtually wasted in patch- 
work and temporary repairs, for the defects were radical 
and ever decadent, till of necessity they must be replaced 
by the new Hospital. Thus, £500 left us by John Holroyd, 
Master of Trinity Guild, and £400 left by the Bishop 
of Clogher, in 1742 (both were governors) were spent on 
buildings doomed soon to come down. Once success 
was in sight. In July, 1742, the Right Hon. Luke 
Gardiner, who had himself subscribed £50, brought a 
message from the Primate Boulter, directing the governors 
when they had fixed on a complete plan, to proceed and build. 
We know what this meant, for, if Boulter was an autocrat, 
he was munificent, and left a fortune to maintain 
poor parishes, but this message was one of the 
last acts of his life, for he died in the following September, 
succeeded in the Primacy or Government of Ireland by the 
equally masterful Archbishop, George Stone. 

Our Chairman and Lord Mayor in 1739, was Daniel 
Falkiner, of Abbotstown, Co. Dublin. He was a governor 
for thirty-three years, 1726-1759. A partner in Burton and 
Falkiner 's banks, he was for many years a chief member of 
the Ballast Office, engaged through the century in forming 
the modern port of Dublin. As member for Baltinglass, he 
had a principal share in supporting our petition to the 
Commons in 1735 and 1737. His great grandson, Frederick 
Falkiner, of Abbotstown, Colonel of the looth regiment, 
created a baronet in 1812, as member for Co. Dublin, voted 
against the Union. In this year, 1739, Lord Chancellor 


Jocelyn became a governor ; he was afterwards Lord New- 
port, and father of the first Lord Roden, and at the same 
period we have boys nominated by James, twentieth Earl 
of Kildare. 

During the thirties tliere was considerable trouble in 
collecting the £30 Consecration Fees from several of the 
Bishops. This was, perhaps, because the chief defaulter was 
Dr. Hoadley, who is returned in arrear in all the ten years 
from 1730, he having succeeded William King in the See of 
Dublin in 1729, and we have no record that he ever paid. In 
this context it is pleasant to see on our printed boards of 
benefactors, the name of George Berkeley, the great Bishop 
of Cloyne. That he would hold back would be inconceivable, 
for his heart was as large as his intellect. " He is an absolute 
philosopher with regard to titles, wealth and power," writes 
Swift to Lord Carteret as early as 1724, and our annals are 
enriched even by this slight connection of our School with 
one of the very noblest and greatest of his day. 

In the early thirties Swift continued to attend our Board, 
but only occasionally, for his health was on an increasing 
decline. Our archives contain two original letters of his, 
which, having never been hitherto published, we feel justified 
now in printing in extenso ; they exemplify his passion for 
patronage, which was one of the most amiable traits of his 
complex character. The first is addressed to Nathaniel 
Kane, then Lord Mayor and Chairman of our Board. It runs, 
" Sir, I have so ill a state of health that I cannot safely 
attend at the Blue Coat Board this evening. I must, there- 
fore, intreat you to recommend Isaac Bullock, a hopeful 
honest boy, to be admitted into the Hospital at my request 
to my Lord Mayor and the Board, wherein you will much 
oblige, your most obedient servant, Jonath. Swift, Deanery 
House, February 7th, 1734. The boy was recomrriended to 
me by the Lady Elizabeth Brownlow from her own know- 
ledge." This lady was the wife of William Brownlow, M.P. 
for County Armagh, and thus the ancestress of the Lords 
Lurgan. She had been Lady Elizabeth Hamilton, sister of 
Swift's friend. Lord Abercorn. W^e find her ''hopeful honest 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 185 

boy," Isaac Bullock, was admitted at the meeting of 
governors on the 4th July following, the Dean being 
personally present. The second letter is addressed 
to Sir James Somerville, then our Lord Mayor 
and Chairman, ancestor of the Lords Athlumney, 
and is as follows : — " My Lord, my ill health will 
not permit me to attend your Lordship and the Board at 
the Blue Coat Hospital to-morrow, I, therefore, desire your 
Lordship to recommend to the Board Edward Riley. His 
father was of this city, and dyed in the service of the present 
Earl of Orrery, after having lived fifteen years with the 
late and present Earl. The Earl of Orrery has a great deal 
•of merit with this kingdom, having lived some years in it, 
although he be a Peer of England, and born there. I have 
not for several years recommended one boy to this Hospital, 
nor would have done this if I could have refused any command 
to so excellent a person as his Lordship. I am, with great 
respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most 
humble servant, Jonath. Swift. Deanery House, July 7th, 
^lyj-'''' ^^ fii^d Edward Riley admitted in the following 
October, but the Dean was still unable to attend. His last 
recorded presence as a governor was on February 4th in 
this year, 1737. Much of his power was still displayed at 
intervals, but that his memory was then partially at fault, 
is shown in this very letter, when he says he had not recom- 
mended a boy for several years, for an entry in our books 
•of the previous December, shows the admission of James 
Fulton, at the request of the Dean of St. Patrick's. Lord 
Orrery had been flattering him for several years when the 
glamour of his name might reflect some light on the Earl's 
own literary pretensions, but who, when the lion was dead, 
repaid the friendship he had won by his banal " Remarks," 
whose offensive sneers the living lion would have silenced 
with a growl. Orrery had learned from Pope how to " damn 
with faint praise." 

But even in these years the Dean did not confine him- 
self as a governor to the patronage of boys. In 1734 he is 
one of the strong committee to examine the proposals of Mr. 


George Vaughan to take twenty of our boys as apprentices 
to the linen trade. It is easy to conceive the interest Swift 
would take in a subject so affecting our home manufactures. 
In 1736 he is one of the standing committee " to inspect and 
direct the dyet of the children of this house." Finally, in 
1737, he was placed on the committee to prepare the petition 
to Parliament for the rebuilding of the Hospital, though it 
is probable he never was able to attend it. 

In 1734, Mr. Vaughan 's proposal for twenty-four linen 
apprentices was referred to a Committee of Governors, 
including, with Swift and many of our Aldermen, the Primate, 
Dr. Boulter, Archbishop Hoadley, the new Bishop of Meath, 
Dr. Arthur Price, whom we had just elected a governor^ 
Chief Justice Rogerson, Dr. Marmaduke Coghill, and Arthur 
Hill, on whose report seven boys were sent to Buncrana? 
in the north, to Mr. Vaughan. This experiment, which 
covered ten years was not a success, the master and the 
apprentices continually were quarrelling. The truth was 
that, the indentures being for seven years, the boys could 
earn good wages elsewhere long before their apprenticeship 
expired, and they often settled the question by running away. 
They complained, too, of their treatment, and that they were 
not paid the wages stipulated in their indentures. Several 
teams of our boys were sent up, but the experience as to all 
was similar. At last, Mr. Vaughan, in 1744, called on our 
governors to settle the disputes, sending forward this list : — 
Marm. Matthews 
Thos. Walsh 

Henry Hoffman t. 1 r ^u • 

r- i,T ] K away before their 

Theo! WcSr ' >'^^'' ^^P"'^^- 

Pat Tyrrell 

Wni. Atkinson 

Richard Lenhouse [ 6th April, 1 739, desired to be 

Hen. Allen ( discharged for new doaths. 

Jas. Halpin 1 Discharged by consent of all 

Arthur Maginiz ) parties. 

..,",? ^, I Desired to be discharged for 

Arthur Motley f r \ 

rp, , .• -' \ ^3 each. 

1 hos. JJixon J ^ 

Henry Jackson Still with Mr. Vaughan. 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1727-1744 187 

The dispute ended by the cancelhng of all the indentures, 
J\Ir. Vaughan paying £19 to the boys who had not run away, 
and retaining his only faithful Henry Jackson in the capacity 
of clerk. 

The failure of our treaty with Vaughan was deplorable, 
not only because of the opening it offered our boys in the 
great linen trade of the north, which was even then of imperial 
magnitude, but, in it Vaughan made a fortune, which, in 
1753, he bequeathed in tiust to seven of the then Bishops 
of the northern province, the Chief Judges, and other 
magnates, £2,000 a year to be applied to found a great 
Industrial School of 300 boys and 200 girls, to be called 
" Vaughan's Charity " for instruction in the several branches 
of the linen manufacture and other cognate industries. 
This was incorporated by statute in 1775, and is now repre- 
sented by the Tubrid School in County Fermanagh, still 
maintained out of Vaughan's estates. It is more than 
probable, had our alliance continued, we, too, should have 
had some share in " Vaughan's Charity." 



TEMP. GEORGE II., 1743- 1760. 

Charles Lucas and the Blue Coat. 

An entry in our Minute Book, 13th August, 1742, tells " that 
Mr. Charles Lucas, one of the Members of the Commons of the 
city for the Corporation of Barber Surgeons, appeared this day 
at the Board, and informed the governors that in perusing 
the charter of this Hospital he found it was granted by King 
Charles II. to the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and 
Citizens of Dublin, and as one of these he apprehended he 
was a governor of the Hospital, and desired to know why he 
was excluded. He was answered that this Board always 
received addresses in writing, which, when presented, they 
would answer properly, meantime he was ordered to with- 
draw." This was the foreblast of a storm which shook civic 
Dublin for eighteen years, and seriously affected our school, 
as its government depended on the constitution of the Muni- 
cipal body ; and this movement was itself a vibration of the 
great Liberal uprising that stirred these kingdoms in the 
middle of the eighteenth century — Lucas was its stormy 
petrel here. He was an Ishmaelite, with a decided dash of 
Esau's generosity, even when his hand was against everyone. 
Called by Lord Townsend afterwards the Wilkes of Ireland, 
he was undoubtedly a precursor of Henry Grattan and the so- 
called Free Parliament of 1782. A skilled apothecary, he 
began his agitations in 1741 by a pamphlet, " Pharmaco- 
mastic," in which he lashed the heads of his craft, to their 
great wrath, but thus secured the representation of his guild 
in the city Commons. There, in alliance with James Digges 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1743-1760 189 

La Touche, of the great banker family, he organized an 
opposition Committee of the Commons, in April, 1742, 
against the oligarchy of the Lord Mayor and the Board of 
Aldermen, and the Commons assembly indorsed his proposed 
" Regulations for the better management of the business 
of this cit\^" These first claimed only a larger control 
o\'er the city finances for the general committees on which 
some members of the Commons sat ; but in the August 
Assembly the assault was enlarged and a committee 
appointed to inspect the charters, the Acts of Assembly, 
and such papers as relate to the government of the 
cit\'^ and of the Blue Coat Hospital ; and it was following up 
this that Lucas came in person to our Board. The real attack 
was upon the city magnates. To understand this we must bear 
in mind the constitution of the city as then existing under 
the Essex rules of 1672. The Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and 
the Common Council were the corporate body. The Lord 
Mayor and twenty-four Aldermen sat apart as the upper 
house. The Commons were the two sheriffs, the sheriffs' 
peers, that is, those who had served or been nominated as 
sheriffs, of whom there were always an average of ten to 
twenty, and ninety-six members elected by the twenty-five 
city guilds, who themselves were elected by the freem.en. 
The constitution was fancifully compared to that of King, 
Lords, and Commons. The upper house exclusively 
appointed the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and Treasurer ; the 
Recorder, tlie city Chaplain, and the Town Clerk, and all 
other officers were chosen by the Common Council in the 
quarterly assemblies. The Rules did not prescribe from 
what area of the citizens the upper house should elect either 
Lord Mayor or Aldermen, but by long usage they always 
chose the former from amongst the Aldermen, and the Alder- 
men by co-opting a sheriff's peer, who himself had been 
originally chosen by themselves ; and thus it was said : " Once 
a sheriff, sure to be an alderman ; once an alderman, sure to 
be Lord Mayor." The Aldermen were ex officio the justices of 
the peace of the city. As the Lord Mayor was chief man in the 
citv ; was clothed in scarlet with the collar of SS. ; controlled 


the city militia ; was called My Lord, and his wife My Lad}^ ; 
and lived in the Mansion House, the prerogatives of the 
upper house became the object of popular attack, of which 
Lucas now made himself the voice, with the claim that all 
the city officers should be chosen by the whole body of the 
citizens, as represented by the whole Corporation in the city 

But the Blue Coat was selected for frontal attack. As our 
charter was then only seventy years old, its records were 
modern, and it was more difficult for the upper house to plead 
for their privileges a prescriptive usage which might presume 
a legal origin, than where the records were ancient and 
obscure. Throughout this year and 1743 the conflict was waged 
with signal ability on both sides. At the October Assembly, 
T742, the Commons sent to the Lord Mayor the report of 
their committee setting forth their whole case. This was 
answered by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in January, 1743, 
and the Commons rejoined in the following July, neither side 
conceding anything. These protocols occupy sixty pages of 
the ninth volume of Gilbert's City Records, and also are found 
in the Haliday Pamphlets, 1749. They are replete with 
learning and research. The case of the Commons, condensed, 
was that the great City Charter of Henry HI. confirms to 
" the citizens of Dublin and their heirs that they may for 
ever elect a Mayor annually out of their own body, a discreet 
and proper person for the government of our City of Dublin, 
when elected to be presented to us or our Lords Justices in 
Ireland ;" that the assembly rolls in Queen Elizabeth's reign 
dealing with the city offices are expressly made " by the 
authority of the assembly, according to the antient and 
laudable orders of this cit}^" Then that the Charter of 
Charles I. in its preamble runs : — " Whereas we are informed 
that the Mayor, bailiffs, commons, and citizens from time to 
time, and time immemorial, by long and ancient usage, have 
chosen within said city of the worthiest and discreetest men 
twenty-four citizens to be aldermen of the city." And 
setting forth a voluminous list of precedents showing the 
election and removals of specific officers to be in the name of 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1743-1760 191 

the assembly, they rely on the rolls in which all Mayors, 
aldermen, and sheriffs are entered as chosen by the assembly 
at large. The answer relies on the uninterrupted usage of 
modern years ; it sets aside the apparent evidence of the 
assembly rolls by showing these prove too much, as the 
entries run in the same form during all the years in which 
the Commons indubitably took no part in the elections, the 
names being merely sent forward from the upper house and 
always adopted by the assembly as mere matter of form, 
The strongest fact is the negative one that the records show 
no single instance of a joint appointment, nor could the 
Commons suggest the mode in which it was conducted ; 
above all, in the face of the fact that the upper house had sat 
apart within all legal memory. They meet the language of 
the charters by showing the elections could never have been 
by the citizens at large, and that the only proveable 
immemorial usage is that now existing, which must 
be assumed as of legal origin. They rely on the Essex 
Rules, 1672, acquiesced in ever since as concluding 
the question of electing Lord Mayors, and though 
this did not deal with the election of aldermen, which 
was obscure up to 171 1, the usage ever since always 
acquiesced in was sufficient evidence of the usage before; 
they justified the existing system as always securing for the 
government of the city the most independent and wealthy 
men, who could afford their time to public service ; they had 
only a pittance of £^ a year to each alderman, and the Lord 
Mayor only a few hundreds, far below the expenses of his 
office, which engrossed all his time ; whilst on the other 
hand, the citizens were saved the turmoil and expense of 
continuous popular elections. 

The truth, perhaps, is that our Corporation, like most 
other bodies long exercising power, had evolved some of their 
functions rather than usurped them, the general body of 
citizens being quite ready to leave public duties to the few 
who undertake them, till all practical authority would 
insensibly become centred in these. 

The Lucas Committee then limited their attack to what 


they regarded as the two weakest points of the defence, the 
constitution of the Blue Coat and co-option of aldermen by 
themselves. As to the former, their case was that whilst the 
Charter was to the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, and Commons gene- 
rally, the Act of Assembly, 1675, did indeed give power to the 
upper house to manage the affairs of the Hospital and carry 
on the work, calling to their assistance such other sub-gover- 
nors nominated in the assembly of 1673 as they thought 
proper, but that this gave no power to elect as sub-governors 
persons who were not members of the Corporation, at their 
own discretion and irrespective of the Commons. To this the 
aldermen replied that the Blue Coat was a distinct Corpora- 
tion, of which (the Lord Mayor and aldermen only were 
members, together with the Recorder, the Sheriffs, and 
Sheriffs' Peers, and a great number of gentlemen of most 
eminent station and worth. Whilst the contest raged in 
August, 1743, the Commons sent to the upper house a pro- 
posal for a conference between tlie Houses, the Recorder to 
preside as Moderator. The Lord Mayor at once replied that 
at the next quarter Assembly the proposals would be con- 
sidered, but the Assembly still in session forthwith attended 
at the upper house, and, being admitted, demanded a con- 
ference without further delay. Eaton Stannard, the Recorder 
who was popular with both sides, counselled peace 
and unanimity and dispatch of public business, but the 
Commons insisted on instant discussion, one, presumably 
Lucas, claiming the right of all members to offer tlieir senti- 
ments ; whereupon Lord Mayor Aldrich, declaring that this 
was no conference, ordered the Commons to withdraw. 
" Gentlemen, then I desire that you will go out of the room." 
The Commons witlidrew in a rage ; and in September a 
message from the Lord Mayor categorically denied all the 
rights they claimed. 

Then it was agreed by both sides to leave all matters in 
dispute to Stannard, the Recorder, who, in October, gave in 
writing a very learned and judicial opinion, holding as to the 
Blue Coat that the Acts of Assembly of 1675 constituted a 
lawful B3'e-law vesting the government of the Hospital in the 

TEMP. GEORGE IL, 1743-1760 193 

persons mentioned therein, and that the general words of the 
Charter were thereby restrained ; and as to the election of 
aldermen, whilst giving due weight to the antient city 
charters and the entries on the rolls, yet the existing usage, 
which might presumably have been by Bye-law, or still 
more by antient prescription, was too strong to be overturned 
now, and that the election of aldermen is in the Lord Mayor 
and the Board of Aldermen. 

But the Lucas opposition still refused to yield. They took 
the opinion of the most eminent counsel of the day. The 
Attorney-General, Sir George Caulfield, was in effect against 
them. As to the Blue Coat, his opinion coincided with 
Stannard's ; as to the aldermen, he advised that the usage at 
least threw the burden of proof on the Commons, who had no 
evidence to offer of joint election of the Houses. The Prime 
Sergeant, x\nthony ^Malone, now leading the Bar, and rising 
to the highest eminence as a statesman, would offer no opinion 
as to the Blue Coat in the absence of full information. 
As to the aldermen's prerogative, he thought the Commons 
must have had some original share in their elections, but as 
they had so long neglected to assert their rights, he deprecated 
litigation as possibly leading to a withdrawal by the 
Crown of the City Charters ; if, however, they were bent on 
judicial decision, their course was by an information in the 
King's Bench on a Quo Warranto against any alderman 
chosen by co-option only. Mr. Sergeant Marshall also de- 
clined to give any opinion as to the Blue Coat on the facts 
before him ; as to the aldermen, he thought the long existing 
usage would be sufficient to presume a Bye-law, though 
whether such would be lawful needed further consideration. 
Mr. Vandeleur and Mr. Bradstreet, afterwards our Recorder, 
gave opinions favourable to the Commons. Reading these 
opinions, we recall Oliver Goldsmith's Chinese philosopher.who, 
visiting Westminster Hall with a litigant friend then expecting 
judgment in a suit which had lingered for years, asked 
" Why do you hope now, after such long delays ? " " My 
lawyer tells me I have Salkeld and Ventris strong in my 
favour, and that there are no less than fifteen cases in point." 



" O," said the Chinese, " are these two of your judges ? " 
" Pardon me, these are two lawyers who gave these opinions 
some hundred years ago ; those which make for me are for my 
lawyer to cite, those which look another way are to be cited 
by the lawyer for my antagonist. I have Salkeld and Vcntris 
for me ; he has Coke and Hales for him ; and he that has most 
opinions is most likely to carry his cause." 

In 1744 La Touche and Lucas filed a Quo JWvrnjito 
information in the King's Bench against George Ribton, a 
co-opted alderman, challenging the right of the aldermen to 
elect irrespective of the Commons. On full argument 
the King's Bench dismissed the information, " there not 
having 'appeared any grounds for the same," and in 
1746 the Corporation voted ^200 to cover the charges of the 

But with the insuppressibility of a true agitator Lucas 
warred on. Following up his Divilina Libera with his Coni- 
flaints of Dithlin, he for five years fulminated pamphlets, 
broadsides, letters to the citizens, to the Lord Mayor, to the 
Government, which made him the hero of the populace ; but 
in 1748 he became candidate for the city in Parliament, 
opposing La Touche, his old colleague in agitation, 
wdiich caused an angry split, and he was thrown 
out at this election. He was now flying at higher 
game than Lord Mayors, launching violent assaults 
on the Irish Government and the constitution oi 
Parliament, for which he now first raised the claim of 
national independence. Some of the bitterest of his broad- 
sheets ]ie addressed to Lord Harrington, who came here as 
Lord Lieutenant in 1747, and who at first treated him civilly ; 
but calling personally to enforce his " great Charter of 
Dublin," Lord Harrington became angry, turned him out of 
the Castle, and sent forward his vehement addresses to 
Parliament. In October, 1749, he was summoned before the 
House of Commons, who thereupon declared him an enemy 
of his country, and ordered him to Newgate. Then he fled as 
an outlaw, and the Corporation, taking their cue from the 
Commons, summoned him in his absence to answer for his 

TEMP. GEORGE IT., 1743-1760 195 

addresses to the citizens of Dublin and specially his 
" Dedication to the King as scandalously reflecting on the 
Viceroy, tending to justify the several horrid and bloody 
rebellions which have been raised within this kingdom, and to 
traduce and vilify the magistracy of this honourable city ;" 
and in January, 1750, failing to appear, he was adjudged 
disfranchised from all liberties of the city, and to be hence- 
forth reputed as a Foreigner. 

When candidate for the city he had poured forth twenty- 
four broadsides, violent, vehement , striking ubiquitously, styled 
"Addresses to the Citizens," ^ and numbered like the Drapici-s 
Letters, but it is curious that his tinal onslaught before his 
outlawry was upon the Blue Coat, in form " a narrative of 
the Hospital in Oxmantown Green." Reciting the acts of 
the founders, whose piety he warmly praises, he prints in 
many pages, all the original contributions, and calls Lord 
Ossory's letter of 1678 which led to these " the laying of the 
first stone of the good and great design." He then indicts 
the governors, first for laying aside the primary intention of 
an Hospital for the Dublin poor as well as a School. He then 
bitterly renews the charge of illegally excluding the Commons 
from the Government, the co-option of governors not 
members of the corporation is denounced as open to criminal 
prosecution under a statute of Henry VH. which forbade 
under penalties the intrusion of strangers in city affairs. 
But the gravamen of his charge is that the nominations of 
the boys are not given exclusively to the poor lads of the 
city, but at the caprice of the governors to the sons of their 
followers or to strangers. This was, of course, an appeal to 
the electors, but not content with generic indictment, he 
founds a charge of specific corruption against two governors, 
Alderman Nathaniel Kane and Sir Samuel Cooke, the one 
for taking leases of the Hospital estate, the other for farming 
the City Toll Corne granted to the Hospital. He further, by 
innuendo, suggests that Kane had bought, in trust, the 
Island Bridge Mills for the city water supply, at a gross 
overvalue from Mr. Darby, the owner, so as to secure a large 

' Halliday's Pamphlets, 1749. 


debt which Darby owed him. And he calls on the citizens 
to discharge " these perfidious trustees, these usurping 
governors," by electing him as the only means, because, 
having found agitation in the Assembly and appeals to the 
Law Courts without avail, the sole redress must be in the 

But he had now overshot his mark. Kane, who was then 
elderly and an invalid, in a temperate letter asked Lucas to 
state distinctly if the innuendo of corruption in the purchase 
of the mills meant him, that he might disprove it in a Court 
of Law. Everyone knew that Kane was aimed at, but the 
then practice in libel cases required strict proof of the 
innuendo. Here Lucas acted meanly indeed. In a scoffing 
letter he refused to answer the straight question, evasively 
suggesting that ' if the cap fitted " and so forth, and with serio 
comic insolence regretting to hear of the Alderman's illness, 
hf gravely offered to send him a medical cure. Then Kane 
publicly addressed the city. His letter is dignified and even 
pathetic. Through the long years, he said, in which he had 
served the city, he had hitherto lived without stain or 
reproach ; he recounted the whole affair of the Island Bridge 
Mills. The charge that he was a creditor of the vendor is 
indignantly disclaimed as entirely baseless, the course of the 
treaty is disclosed with certifying letters from Mr. Darby of 
Leap, and of all that were parties to the treaty, and the good 
faith of the purchase is proved. He admits he had taken a 
lease of some Hospital houses in Oxmantown, but that on 
learning it was unlawful to hold them, he had long since 
offered to surrender, but that his offer was declined, as the 
leases were unprofitable. It is strange that seven years ex- 
haustive search should have disclosed so little to warrant 
Lucas' calumnies, and there is no doubt that the virulence 
and failure of these were a chief cause in his condemnation 
in the Castle and the Tholsel. 

But in the Parliamentary biennial session, 1752 and 1753, 
an opposition, headed by Speaker Henry Boyle, Prime 
Sergeant Malone, and Cartel, Master of the Rolls, was, for 
the first time formed against the Castle, and the undertak- 

TEMP. TxEORC^E II., 1743-1760 IQ7 

ing Lords Justices, then represented by the Primate, George 
Stone. They successfully asserted the independence of the 
Irish Commons as to money bills, with a vehemence 
surpassing that of Lucas Iiimself, for which they had 
so recently outlawed him, and they were now 
named the Patriots. Their spirit electrified the 
masses, and penetrated even to the court of aldermen, 
in which an opposition section was now formed. In the 
Parliamentary session, 1755-56, Adderley, an independent 
member, took up the city case, and two bills were 
brought in for a drastic change in the Corporation. No 
longer striking at Lord Mayor and Aldermen only, they 
asked for a radical reform of the Common Council. Their 
grievance was that in the election of the ninety-six members 
by the guilds, the merchants or Trinity Guild chose thirty- 
one, leaving the twenty-four other guilds only sixty-five 
between them, whilst the merchants were nearly all city 
magnates, many of the aldermen belonging to it. The bills 
now provided to divide the city into thirteen wards, each 
of which was to choose its own aldermen and councillors, 
thus opening all the offices directly or indirectly to popular 
vote. The promoters fully relied on the support of the 
Patriots, but the fire of their patriotism had now been 
drowned in the sweet baths of promotion and pension. 
Speaker Boyle, now Lord Shannon, with ;^2,ooo a year, 
Carter, now Secretary of State, with £*i,ooo a year added to 
his salary as Master of the Rolls, and Malone, now Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, counselled the promoters to postpone the 
bills. The Duke of Devonshire, L.L., gave the same advice, 
but they persevered, and then ensued a high comedy. The 
bills were allowed to pass without opposition, and even with 
acclaim, but the postponers and opponents were laughing 
in their sleeves, for they well knew that the Privy Council 
would decline to forward the Bills to London under Poyning's 
Act. So these became abortions, and the people, finding 
they had imagined a vain thing, raged against the Patriots, 
and took their revenge in riots, which alarmed and re-united 
the Aldermen. Thomas Mead, who had strongly supported 


the Bills, was chosen Lord IMayor, and in the next session 
the Bills were dropped. 

But in 1756, James Grattan had become Recorder and a 
governor on the death of Thomas Morgan, who had succeeded 
Eaton Stannard six years before. He was an able man, 
moderately conservative, and never adopted the tribunic 
rule of his son, the patriot, Henry. Failing at the city 
election in 1758, when he was beaten by Dunn, one of the 
dissentient aldermen, who had resigned in order to oppose 
him, he now set himself to bring back peace to the city, and 
drew a moderate Bill which the Corporation by a majority 
sent to the House by petition. The populace opposed it with 
counter blasts, but it was coached through the House by 
Sir Charles Burton, then city member, and our chairman in 
1752, and it passed with slight modifications as 33 Geo. II., 
c. 16. The old constitution and old members of the Corpora- 
tion were retained, but the Assembly were so far to share in 
the choice of the mayoralty, that of three aldermen's 
names submitted to them, they should select one ; if they 
vetoed all three, new names were to be submitted, and so 
till they selected someone, failing which, the aldermen could 
elect the Lord Mayor, lest the city should be left without a 
head. So as to the Sheriff, the Assembly, and not the alder- 
men, were to select eight names, from which the aldermen 
were to choose the two sheriffs of the year. As to the alder- 
men, the Upper House were to send to the Assembly the 
names of four sheriff's peers, from which the Assembly were to 
select, to the vacated seat. Further, the Guilds were to 
choose their representation in the Commons directl}' with- 
out any conge d'elire to the Upper House. The Blue Coat 
remained untouched. 

Though the populace without still raged and rioted, this 
compromise brought peace and held its ground till the 
Corporation Act of 1840, and is thus a standing tribute to 
the constructive ability of Recorder Grattan. 

In his long exile Lucas applied his talents to medical 
subjects with marked ability, though he occasionally 
launched broadsides from across Channel, the last of which 


From the Statue by Edward Smyth, 

Executed for Royal Exchange, and now 
in the City Hall of Dublin. 

[To fai-e pap.' 190 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1743- 1760 199 

was a pungent indictment of the placated patriots in 1759. 
But on the death of (ieorge II. next year, he personally went 
to the young King in London, was kindly received, and 
returned to Dublin with the royal recommendations. A 
nolle prosequi was entered by the Crown, he was now a 
general favourite, for he had borne misfortune well, and was 
elected for Dublin in the new Parliament of 1761. He had 
obtained a mandamus from the King's Bench to reverse his 
disfranchisement of 1750, which the Corporation did not 
defend, being also advised that their action had been of 
doubtful legality. He held his seat for the city to his death 
in 1 77 1, and though he continued his campaigns against the 
constitution of Parliament, he did not actively renew his war 
on the Corporation or the Blue Coat. 

The last echo of this Lucas feud sounds something like a 
joke. In 1766, the Commons sent to the LTpper House a 
petition to grant Charles Lucas, from the city funds, a life 
annuity of £365, as a reward for his merit and public services, 
but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, judging it inexpedient 
to give any countenance to the petition, " as the circum- 
stances of the present juncture are of too much notoriety to 
leave room to doubt the motive of such an application," 
unanimously and indignantly rejected the proposal. 

Yet, on the whole, we must deem that Lucas merited 
the posthumous honour by which his statue, one of the best 
in the city, now stands one of the chief ornaments of the 
City Hall. It was the work of a great Irish sculptor, Edward 
Smyth, whose name deserves to be better remembered, 
and is a splendid protrait in marble. It was executed 
for the Royal Exchange, the founding of whicli 
was carried through Parliament chiefly by Lucas's 
driving force, and alone would give him a claim 
to public gratitude. This statue, with the Exchange 
itself, passed to the Corporation when they made their head- 
quarters there. Smyth, who was the sculptor of the fine 
figures on the Bank of Ireland, the Four Courts, and the 
King's Inns, is so far connected with the Blue Coat, that he 
was the pupil of Vierp\^l, the Italian Statuary, hereafter 


noticed as charged with the ornamental stone work of the 
present King's Hospitah 

But this city storm was not an ill wind that blew nobody 
good. In the years from 1743 to I75i,when it was blowing, 
no less than eight of the aldermen nominated as Lord Mayors, 
excused themselves from accepting office, presumably in 
terror of the turmoil and the costs of litigation. Their 
excuses were accepted, but only on the condition in each 
case of a fine of twenty guineas to be given to the Blue Coat, 
and a hogshead of claret each to the existing and the 
incoming Lord Mayor. Thus one hundred and sixty guineas 
gilds our memory of Charles Lucas. 

These agitations did not damp the exuberant loyalty 
of our city magnates. In December, 1744, they addressed 
the King, congratulating him on his return from his great 
victory at Dettingen, " in defence of the liberties of Europe." 
Next year, upon the threat of Prince Charles Stuart's 
invasion of Scotland, they again addressed him " with the 
resolution of hazarding our lives and fortunes in support of 
your Majesty's undoubted rights against this horrid enter- 
prize." They offered a reward of £6,000 for the capture of 
the Pretender, though it is hard to say where the reward 
could have been found if claimed, for when the 
Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Devonshire, issued a 
commission of array, requiring the city to raise 
three regiments of militia and one of horse, and 
in response the city voted £1,100 towards the 
expenses of accoutrements, they were obliged to borrow the 
money. Twenty-four of our Blue boys appear to have been 
enrolled in these forces. We have some accounts submitted 
to our governors in 1746, headed " Expended on the Boys 
Malitia (s«c) which include ' Wilkinson's mounting 100 guns, 
pikes, and halberts, embroidering twenty-four caps, a charge 
for orange colours, gold lace for hats, and four drums.' " 
Then, after Culloden, they felicitate the King on the Duke 
of Cumberland's victory, " and the defeat of the French 
designs to bring in the Pretender and to overthrow the 
Protestant Succession." We may imagine with w^hat joy 

TEMP. GEORGE II., 1743-1760 201 

our Blue boys beat their six drums, and waved their 
embroidered caps on that memorable occasion. In this year, 
1744, is the last entry in our books of Swift's name. It is 
pathetic, though merely the admission of a boy nominated 
by him, for he was now in his last sad stage summed in Dr. 
Johnson's line : — " And Swift expires a driveller and a show." 

As the loyal addresses of the city emanated from the 
Court of Aldermen, and were composed by the Recorder, all 
concerned being governors of the Blue Coat, we may mention 
that no less than eighteen - were presented to George II. 
On his accession in 1727 ; on the birth of the Prince of Wales 
(George III.) in 1738 ; on the taking of Porto Bello in 1740 ; 
then the three already specified, in connection with Charles 
Stuart ; on the Peace of Aix la Chapelle in 1748, and on the 
King's return to England in 1750 ; in 1756 on the threat of 
French invasion ; on the taking of Cape Breton in 1758 ; on 
Hawke's victory at Ouiberon, and Wolfe's at Quebec in 
1759, and on the majority of the Prince of Wales, George III., 
in the same year. The other addresses were on the occasion 
of the births or marriages of the royal Princes or Princesses, 
the King's children and grandchildren, who were often the 
annual gifts to the nation. But besides these the city ad- 
dressed Pitt at the close of the annus mirahilis, 1759, with 
the freedom of Dublin in a gold box and like honours were 
conferred on Hawke " for his great service in defeating the 
French Fleet at Ouiberon, under ^Marshall Conflans, whose 
known destination was a descent on Ireland." Like honour, 
too, was given to Sir John Elliott for the final dispersion of 
the French Armada, under Thurot, after his descent on 
Carrickfergus. Thus we are conscious of the spirit of 
Chatham at the great epoch in the evolution of the Empire 
animating the life of Dublin, and awake even in the 
Boardroom of our School. 

In 1753, Sir Charles Burton being Lord Mayor, the great 
sculptor, Roubiliac, was invited to estimate for an equestrian 
statue of George II., but his charge of ;,^"2,ioo being thought 

■^ They are printed at length in the 7, 8, 9, and 10 Vols, of Gilbert's 


too high, Van Nost, who then worked in Dubhn, attended a 
Committee at the Tholsel, and undertook the statue for 
£i,ooo, exdusive of pedestal and quarterings. At the end of 
three years he conveyed it by deed to the Corporation for 
ever, in that burning year, 1756, and it was then erected 
where it stands in the centre of St. Stephen's Green. The 
pedestal and quarterings, of Ardbraccan stone, cost £730> 
making a total expense of £1,730. 

George II. died 23 October, 1760. Our Chairmen during 
the reign were the Lord Mayors following : — 

1744- 5 John Walker. 

45- 6 Daniel Cooke. 

46- 7 William Walker. 

47- 8 Sir Geo. Ribton, Bart. 

48- 9 Sir Robert Ross. 
49-50 John Adamson. 
50- I Thomas Taylor. 
51-2 John Cooke. 
52-3 Sir Chas. Burton, Bart. 

53- 4 Andrew Murray. 

54- 5 Hans Bailie. 

55- 6 Percival Hunt. 
56-7 John Fookes 
57-8 Thomas Mead. 
58- 9 Philip Crampton. 
59-60 John Tew. 



Sir Nat. Whitwell. 



Henry Burrowes. 


Sir Peter Verdoen. 



Nat. Pearson. 



Joseph Nuttal. 



Humphrey French. 



Thomas How, 



Nat. Kane. 



Sir Richard Grattan. 



Sir John Somerville. 



William Walker. 



John Macarell. 


Daniel Falkiner. 



Sir Samuel Coote. 



William Aldrich. 



Gilbert King. 



David Few. 

Sir Samuel Cooke was the son of the Sir Samuel of Queen 
Anne's time ; Sir George Ribton was ancestor of the Wood- 
brook family, Co. Dublin; he was the objective of Lucas's 
attack, he was created a baronet in 1759 ; Sir Robert Rosse 
was M.P. for Newry, and grandfather of the hero of Bladens- 
burgh ; Philip Crampton's name was honourably continued 
in the following generation in the persons of his great 
nephews, the very eminent physician, Sir Philip, and by the 
distingui-^hed judge of the Queen's Bench. 

[ 203 ] 



In the earlier years of George III. the School was in a 
transitional state, and the ordinary records are obscure. 
The governors having spent many thousands on a new 
Infirmary, and in partial reparations, now found that the 
whole building was threatening to fall about their ears, and 
that a thorough reconstruction on a new site was essential. 
So far back as 1753 the Corporation had granted them the 
old artillery yaid which ran westward to the Royal Barracks 
from the rere of the old site in an askew strip to the south 
of the Bowling Green, but this was practically useless in 
presence of the adjoining decay. But in 1769 Sir Thomas 
Blackball, whose name is ever to be held in honour at the 
Blue Coat, was Lord Mayor, and took upon him the burden 
which now had fallen on the Board. The members for the 
City were then the young Marquis of Kildare and our old 
friend Charles Lucas. In November, Kildare having obtained 
a Committee on the petition of the Lord Mayor and 
governors, brought up their report recommending the 
prayer for a building grant, which the House merely 
directed to lie on the table for perusal of members, but in the 
next Session 1771, he vigorously renewed the claim. Kildare 
had entered the House whilst a minor, and had now only 
just reached twenty-one, but he was a most loyal and active 
representative of Dublin. Son of the first Duke of Leinster, 
his mother was the beautiful Lady Emily Lennox, daughter 
of the Duke of Richmond, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald was 
his younger brother. He was a prime favourite in the city. 


A few years before he had presented the Lord Mayor and 
City with a State Coach or berhn, and in the House we find 
him moving for grants to improve the Harbour, and in aid 
of the Grand Canal, in which the City was then deeply 

In 1 77 1 he moved the further report of the Blue Coat 
Committee. It sets forth that the Committee had examined 
in the most solemn manner Mr. James Goddard — -he was 
then the Registrar of the Blue Coat and Clerk of t-he City 
Commons ; that there were then 170 boys in the school, 
that it was only now kept together by patchwork, and it was 
absolutely necessary to rebuild it, for which £12,789 would 
be necessary. Thereupon the matter was referred by the 
House to the Committee of Supply, which was then regarded 
as almost an equivalent to a grant. 

Whilst the subject was thus before Parliament, the 
City Assembly in October, 1771, in anticipation of a grant, 
conveyed to the governors the whole remaining space of the 
Bowling Green in Oxmantown, for the purpose of building 
a new Hospital, which, they afftrmed, would not only be 
necessary and useful to the School, but would tend much 
to the improvement of that part of the old City Estate, 
for they, at the same time, ordered that all the residue 
of the Oxmantown Green should be laid out in building lots, 
so as to be no longer unserviceable and waste, but an 
ornament " to your honour's estate." ^ Thus the whole 
site of the present Blue Coat was acquired, comprising the 
old practising grounds of the City Militia, and the old 
Bowling Green, as laid out a century before, whilst its 
bounds on the west are the Royal Barracks, the gift of the City 
to the great Duke of Ormonde just after the Restoration. 
The surveys for these adjacent lots were entrusted to Ivory, 
the Architect selected for the new building. 

The Committee of Supplies, in 1771, having many other 
irons in the fire, made no present grant, but, under the full 
hope of one, the governors proceeded with their plans, and 
on the i6th June, 1773, the first stone was laid, with great 

1 Gilbert's Calendar, Vol. XIT., p. 156. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1760-1784 205 

ceremonial, by the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Harcourt. He 
was a descendant of Sir Simon, Queen Anne's Attorney- 
General, and Swift's friend, and ancestor of the late Sir 
William Harcourt the brilliant Knight of Malwood. 

The following notice of the pageant appears in Faiilkncrs 
louriial of the day : — 

Wednesday last, when His Excellency, Lord Harcourt, 
ariived at the Blue Coat School, he was received by all the 
officers of that house, who showed His Excellency several 
of the apartments, which were in a most ruinous condition, 
from whence his lordship, attended by the Lord Mayor 
and other governors, went through one of the Courts which 
was lined with two rows of the children, very clean and neatly 
dressed, who made a most pleasing appearance, and sang 
psalms in a most harmonious manner. His Excellency passed 
down through a guard of the army into Oxmantown Green, 
and laid the foundation stone with a silver trowel, with the 
Lord Lieutenants arms engraved thereon, with the following 
inscription :— " This stone was laid by H.E. Simon Harcourt 
on Wednesday, i6th June, 1773, in the thirteenth year of 
the reign of H. M. George HL Right Hon. Richard French, 
Lord Mayor; James Sheil, James Jones, High Sheriffs; 
Thomas Ivory, Architect." 

This description is most probably by George Faulkner 
himself, who was present as one of the governors. The 
Dublin JournaVs notice of the pageant tells that His 
Excellency, attended by the Lord Mayor, His Grace the 
Archbishop of Dublin (Dr. Craddock), several Privy 
Councillors, and many aldermen, went in grand procession 
to the Hospital, and that after the ceremony all proceeded 
to the Tholsel, wliere a most elegant dinner was provided 
by the governors for His Excellency, which was served up 
with the greatest decency and propriety. 

A notable Governor at this time was George Faulkner, 
mentioned above. He lives to-day in the reflected glory of 
a satellite of the great Dean, whose Boswell he was in 
Swift's later years, since when in 1730 his Journal introduced 
him, and he became Swift's printer. But he did the Blue 
Coat a good service, and thus has a niche in these annals. 
Swift personally bullied him, and treated him with hauteur. 


writing to him as " Mr. Faulkner," not even adding " Dear 
Sir," but, like many great men, he liked toadies, and protected 
them against all comers. In pleasant letters- he introduced 
him to Pope, to Lord Bolingbroke, Lord Howth, to the 
Archbishop of Cashel, Dr. Bolton, and Barber, Lord Mayor 
of London, and, though sulkily, allowed him even to purloin 
and publish his manuscripts in Dublin, where there was no 
copyright, though he could himself have published in London, 
where there was. Dr. Josiah Hort, Bishop of Kilmore, 
afterwards Archbishop of Cashel, had sent Swift a satire 
on the game of Quadrille, in which Sergeant Bettesworth, 
the Dean's foe, was pilloried, requesting him " to peruse the 
loose feathers, and send the kite to the Faulconer and set it 
a flying ? " all which the Dean did. Bettesworth moved in 
the House that this was a breach of privilege : -^ Faulkner 
was indicted, imprisoned in Newgate, and as Swift tells Dr. 
Hort, confined to a dungeon with common thieves and others 
with infectious disease. But all this made Faulkner's fortune. 
Henceforth he was a Dublin celebrity, he paid the gaoler's 
fees, £25, with his pirated copies of Swift's works, and the 
author ended by calling him the prince of printers. He was 
somewhat fantastic, a little one-legged man, very vain, but 
with a large head, and a great deal of ability. When Swift 
was gone he was taken up by Lord Chesterfield, when 
Lord Lieutenant, and made his confidant in Dublin affairs. 
Chesterfield calls himself the only Lieutenant Faulkner ever 
absolutely governed. He continued for life the great 
repository of Swiftiana, telling the stories, showing the bust 
by Roubiliac, now in Trinity College, to all the many who 
visited him in his shop in Parliament Street. His edition, 
in twenty volumes, 1759-1770, is the first great collection 
of Swift's Works, and the basis of all that have followed, and 
thus " Peter Paragraph," by which name he was laughed at 
in Dublin, has been a substantial benefactor to literature. 

In 1767 he was elected High Sheriff, but his health was 
now failing, and in a grateful letter to the Lord Mayor he 

-Swift's Epistolary Correspondence, 1735. 

•'Letter, Sv/ift to Bishop of Kilmore, !2tb Mav, 17.^*^. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1760-1784 207 

asked to be excused. The lines on refusals, by usage, were 
given to the Blue Coat ; these at this time were fixed at ten 
guineas only, but Faulkner now particularly requested that 
it should in his case be one hundred, as had been paid 161 
years before, and this was graciously accepted. The 
liberality proved most valuable, not only did it create a 
precedent, but encouraged the cit}^ to raise the fine, a few 
years later to £200."* In 1772 five sheriffs successively 
declined, Luke Stock, Joseph Lynam, Harcourt Lightburne, 
Benjamin Ball, and Robert Rickey, and their five hundred 
guineas were assigned "towards rebuilding the Blue Coat 
Hospital." Thereupon the Assembly in July raised the fine 
to ;£200, and two more sheriffs declining, George Sutton and 
Thomas Green, raised the fund from this source that year 
to £925. In 1774 there were again four refusals, David 
La Touche, Alderman Kirkpatrick, James Lane, and George 
Maquay, thus bringing in £800 more. These gentlemen were 
all governors, and found this a convenient form of con- 
tributing to the building fund, which then so sorely needed 
such aid. Faulkner remained on the Board to the last ; he 
died in 1775. 

Inspired by the prestige of the Harcourt Ceremonial, the 
Lord Mayor and Corporation renewed their petition to 
Parliament in the new Session of 1773 ; they now stated the 
new grant from the city of the site, and that the plans would 
cost ;^i6,ooo, whilst the failure to rebuild would be a fatal 
loss " to the public in general, and to the Protestant Religion 
in particular." Unfortunately, just as the subject was to 
come before the House, it lost the powerful support of Lord 
Kildare ; his father died in November, and he succeeded to 
the Upper House as second Duke of Leinster. Tlie city 
addressed him then in an affectionate farewell entrusted to 
Sir Thomas Blackball and three others and the Recorder. 
After condolence in the loss of his father, they return to His 
Grace their most sincere and grateful acknowledgments 
" for your very faithful and vigilant discharge of the 
important duty of one of our representatives in Parliament, 

"Gilbert's Calendar, Vol, 12. 


assuring Your Grace that the very affectionate concern you 
have manifested, not only in that capacity, but on every 
other occasion, for the true interest and advantage of this 
Metropohs have made an impression on our minds which 
time can never efface." 

Lucas was now dead. Dr. Clement, who succeeded him in 
the city, took up the cause in the House ; but there was 
merely a lepetition of the tale of the previous session. The 
case of the petitioners was declared proved and deserving of 
the aid of Parliament, and it was again referred to the 
Committee of Supplies ; yet no supply was granted, and the 
subject once more fell through. 

But the governors still persevered in hope, and raised 
several thousands in private subscriptions. Thomas Ivory 
was one of the constellation of famous architects in that 
Augustan age of Dublin building. He was Mastei of Drawing 
to the Royal Dublin Society for many years, where Sir 
Martin Archer Shee, afterwards President of the Royal 
Academy in London and friend of Reynolds and Romney, 
was one of his pupils. Another fine work of Ivory's is 
Newcomen House, opposite the Castle gates, now the 
Municipal Building of the Corporation, erected on the site of 
the mansion of the Earls of Cork, and still known as Cork 

Ivory's designs for the new Blue Coat are splendid, their 
fault being that they were too "ambitious and costly. So 
much of them as have been carried out have cost more than 
£20,000. To finish them as planned would have entailed at 
least £10,000 more. In 1776 the governors presented the 
original plans to George III. in a handsome morocco volume- 
inscribed — " with all humility, by Your Majesty's dutiful 
and loyal subjects and servants the governors." These 
remained in the King's Library, until George IV. made a gift 
of the Library to the British Museum. There they were 
lately found b}^ our present governor, Mi. F. E. Ball. They 
are a very fine specimen of the Dublin art of that day, and 
are still regarded by experts in London as of exceptional 
excellence, both artistic and technical. There are twelve 

in pag 
^ IB 5En4V 

^ .53 =C 

















TEMP. GEORGE III., 1760-1784 209 

drawings, that of the front elc\'ation and facade being more than 
three feet by nearly two. This has been substantially carried 
out as the building now stands, save that the centre rises, 
not to a dome, but to a lofty spire, highly enriched, in which 
I\'ory took as his model that of St. Martin-in-the-Field, which 
though very ornamental, yet, being Gothic, is hardly in 
harmony with the general Italian conception. But in the 
re re the plans show a great quadi^angle, whose sides run north 
and south from the Chapel and the Schoolroom respectively 
in arched stone cloisters, over which, in a single storey, is a 
great range of sleeping rooms for the boys, and this arrange- 
ment is partly continued on the western side, opposite the 
main building, to a very fine dining hall in the centre, from 
which branch some fourteen offices on each side — dairy, 
laundry, storerooms. All this intended quadrangle was 
abandoned. Then the interior of the Chapel as designed is 
gracefully ornate ; there are double Corinthian pilasters 
between each of the windows on the south wall, and over 
these a classic cornice beneath an arabesque frieze all round 
the church ; nearly all the above that was decorative had, 
alas, to be given up for lack of funds. 

Associated with Ivory in the artistic work as executed was 
Simon Vierpyl, an Italian statuary, to whom we may fairly 
attribute much of the elegance seen in the finished facade. 
He had been imported by Lord Charlemont for the purposes 
of the beautiful mansions in Rutland Square and at Marino, 
which he was then constructing, and especially for the Italian 
casino in the grounds at Clontarf. Charlemont and his 
travelling companion, Edward Murphy, had found Vierpyl 
in Rome, where he executed for Murphy a commission for 
which he should be better remembered in Dublin to-day. 
This was to copy in terra cotta some seventy busts of the 
Roman emperors and empresses in the museums of the 
Capitol and Vatican. Some of these as executed are of very 
high excellence, for Vierpyl spent several laborious years over 
the work. Murphy, having no adequate show place for them, 
left them by will to Lord Charlemont, whose library in 

Charlemont House, Palace Row, they decorated for many 



years. His grandson, the late Earl, in 1868 presented them 
to the Royal Irish Academy, where some sixty of them, still 
complete, may be seen. Asked by Murphy in Dublin to say 
what he considered their real value, Vierpyl writes at length, 
shewing they are unique, as the first and only collection ever 
made by a single artist, and, having regard to the time and 
toil spent, he says that if a monarch engaged him to model 
the series again, he would not take less than £500 a year for 
ever.^ Vierpyl was naturalized in Dublin, and became a 
member of the City Commons ; he received the special 
thanks of the Ballast or Harbour Board for his services in 
connection with the Poolbeg Lighthouse. The front of St. 
Thomas's Church in Marlborough Street was executed by him 
from a design of Palladio in Venice. He lived and died in 
Bachelor's Walk.*^ Edward Smyth, the sculptor, as already 
mentioned, was a pupil of his, who, as an original artist, 
surpassed his master. 

Our new building progressed intermittently ; means did not 

permit of a contract with a single contractor at an estimated 

cost, so a Building Committee, with Sir Thomas Blackball 

chairman, employed the tradesmen directly, paying them 

when and as best they could. The stone work was assigned 

to Vierpyl ; the others were chiefly members of old and long 

known Dublin freemen families. Semple was bricklayer ; 

Thorpe, plasterer ; Cranfield, carver ; the extensive 

woodwork was done by Chambers. Blackball personally 

superintended everything in all the long years, collecting 

subscriptions and expending them. The Assembly at the 

same time undertook the surrounding building lots as planned 

by Ivory ; these showed the broad thoroughfare through the 

Green from Queen Street to the front of the New School, 

three-fourths of which included the north side of the Old 

School site. It appears that what is called a great " gulph 

hole " existed here then. Was this the ancient Scald 

Brother Hole of Stanihurst ? The city entrusted the 

execution of these improvements to Blackball, and when, 

'' 15th August, 1774, Charlemont Papers, Histoiical Manusciipts, p. 323. 
8 Whitelaw's History of Dublin, Vol. II., p. 11 86. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1760-1784 211 

shortly after, the street was named, it deservedly became 
Blackhall Street. So, too, when the road from Stoney 
Batter to the Liffey was completed in front of the new Blue 
Coat gates, it was called Blackhall Place, and thus our 
worthy's name is still written on the site to record his devotion 
of more than thirty years. He became a governor in 
1761, when sheriff, and was made an alderman in 1763. 

On the Building Committee Blackhall was well assisted by 
Mr. Benjamin Ball, who, on declining the shrievalty in 1772, 
paid his hundred guineas fine, and thus, being a sheriff's peer, 
became a governor ; he was kinsman of the founders of the 
eminent banking firm, and was ancestor of the late Lord 
Chancellor Bali, through whose son, Mr. F. Elrington Ball, 
his name is worthily represented on the Board of the Blue 
Coat still. But funds were still lacking, and relief was again 
sought in Parliament in the Session of 1777. Sir Samuel 
Bradstreet, who had succeeded James Grattan as Recorder 
in 1766, and also as Member for the city, now urged our 
petition, but v/ith no happier result than that it was again 
ordered to lie on the table for perusal. 

There was now nothing for it but to cut down the plans, 
and Blackhall and his committee were in 1779 directed to 
confer with the architect for a reduction of the offices, which 
meant a surrender of the fine cloistered quadrangle on which 
Ivory was then engaged ; but the direction to Ivory " to 
contract rather than increase the expense of these " seems 
to have mortified him sorely, for next year he resigned when 
the work was only half finished, though fortunately not till 
after his fine conception of the main building had been 
secured. The governors appointed in his place one of their 
own number, Mr. John Wilson, who was contractor of the 
city works, and whom they had also made registrar and 
agent ; he will be mentioned hereafter. Over tlie mantel- 
piece in the Boardroom now hangs an oil painting presented 
to the governors some fifty years after, in 1835, by Mr. Ball, 
the son of the Benjamin Ball just noticed, but the execution 
of which we can fix as in this year, 1779, for it evidently 
represents this conference with Ivory for the reduction of 


his plans. It is an excellent picture b}^ Jonathan Trottei\ 
who attained some eminence as a portrait painter ; he had 
studied in Rome. There are nine figures, all having the 
character of good likenesses ; nearly all of them can be 
identitied. x\t the extreme right stands Trotter himself, 
palette in hand, talking to Benjamin Ball, a handsome 
gentleman clothed in black like a bishop ; at the farthest left 
stands Wilson, just appointed registrar, but not yet architect, 
for in the centre is an oval table ; at its head is seated, green- 
coated, well-looking, a gentleman who points to the open 
plans, and is anxiously questioning Vierpyl, who sits opposite 
in his working white jacket, and who seems nonplussed and 
not quite pleased with the examination. Between them, in 
the centre, is Ivory, in maroon coat, attentively listening to 
Vierpyl and the chairman ; beside the latter is seated a 
gentleman in scarlet doublet, half turning his face as if to 
speak to Wilson ; either he or the man in green we assume to 
be Blackball, but as both are at the head of the table we 
cannot decide. Two other figures standing between these 
and W^ilson are said to represent Aldermxan Trulock and 
Alderman Tucker, who were both on the Building Com- 

The Boardroom where this picture hangs is the only part 
of the house completely finished as Ivory planned it. save, 
perhaps, the front facade and the two Italian corridors, with 
their arched niches on the ground and first stories. It is a 
very fine example of the best work of the period, thirty-four 
feet long by twenty-one and fourteen feet high, with a rich 
Corinthian cornice and a coved ceiling laced with graceful 
traceries. The three windows face the west and the square 
of the Royal Barracks, known as the Palatine, with the 
bright green playground between. This room has been long 
the subject of recurrent architectural praise in Dublin. 
Beneath Trotter's painting is the fine chimney-piece 
presented for the room by Mr. George Ensor in 1780 ; it is of 
white Carrara marble, of which much had been imported 
at this time by Vierpyl, and of which there are Ionic pillars 
at each side ; the panels below the sill are of ruddy Sienna 

TEMP. GEORGE TIL, i>6o-i784 213 

marble. It seems to have incurred some damage in carriage, 
for a contemporaneous entry directs Merpyl to repair it, and 
iix it up in the Boardroom as soon as possible. 

The great school room and the dining hall were finished ; 
in the latter the quaint and somewhat imposing Royal Arms 
of Charles II., gilt and emblazoned, and now taken from the 
old building, were erected over the central lireplace as they 
are to be seen to-day. 

But the Chapel was still unfinished ; the dormitories, the 
ofifices, the kitchen, were only half complete ; and in the old 
crumbling building the old chapel was of necessity used as a 
schoolroom, so far a sanctuary from the menacing walls ; so, 
in the Session 1781, a linal and vehement effort was made 
for a grant from Parliament. At the same time the Lord 
Lieutenant, Lord Carlisle, Mr. Secretary Eden, and Lord 
Harcourt were ui gently besought, but without much result. 
The new petition was committed to Sir Samuel Bradstreet 
and Dr. Clement, the city members. It was the most 
persuasive appeal yet made." It detailed how in 1689 the 
ancient edifice had been turned into a ban-ack, and having 
been restored at great expense to the citizens, had had the 
honour to be the Parliament House during the erection of 
the present one, but from age and these changes and 
alterations it was now necessarily taken down ; that 
the governors had begun their new Hospital on 
a plan for 300 boys, relying on the beneficence 
of the legislature " who had given bountifully to 
everything that can promote the prosperity of the 
kingdom," and flattered themselves with the modest pre- 
sumption that the Parliament whose generous grants had 
reached the remotest parts of the land would not now 
overlook this useful charity at home, which had flourished 
so many years and now needed the fostering care of the 
legislature to complete it. 

And yet this ad captandum appeal was doomed like its 
predecessors only to lie on the table. It is not easy now to 
guess the true causes of this ill success, for, as hinted in this 

" Com. Journal, 17S1, 218. 


petition, the House was then lavishing money on all sorts of 
projects, not only through the island, but in Dublin, con- 
tinuing the policy by which, when defeated in the claims 
to pass money bills without even the formal consent of the 
Crown, they revenged themselves by voting as they pleased 
all the surplus of the Hereditary Revenue of Ireland, the 
balance of which only, after providing for the annual votes, 
was pa^^able into the Exchequer. The Commons Jonrjial 
shows, for instance, that in the three years 1779-81 £10,000 
was voted to the Dublin Society, -{19,000 to the Foundling 
Hospital, /i4,ooo to the Incorporated Society, £6,000 to the 
House of Industry, £3,500 to the Hibernian School, and 
£3,000 to Swift's Hospital. But new favourites make old 
ones unfashionable. 

The work after Ivory's resignation, which was absolutely 
necessary to permit of transferring the boys to their new- 
quarters, cost £6,000. This was executed under Wilson over 
a period of three years, and for almost the whole the Hospital 
remained indebted to the tradesmen. At long last, at 
Christmas, 1783, the Committee reported to the Board that 
the accommodations were so far completed for the reception 
of the boys and servants that these were now received into 
the new Hospital, " and most comfortably provided for." 
We may hope that the inmates themselves concurred in this 
comfortable judgment. j\Iany subsequent entries make this 
somewhat doubtful. 

[ 215 ] 


TEMP. GEORGE III. 1 784-1 800. 

The School resumed in the new buildings in the opening of 
1784. It might have been thought that the fine Renaissance 
palace which it exteriorly seemed to be, would now have 
attracted the public support necessary to complete it and 
extend its operations. Such hopes failed, owing to the very 
events which might hav^e seemed likely to secure them : the 
new Independent Parliament, with the consequent vast 
increase in the notables and nobles resident in Dublin. For 
the expanded arena into which the public life of Ireland had 
now entered diverted men's gaze from things so local as a 
city school. In the first half of its stormy career, this 
legislature was engaged with questions of imperial moment, 
which were closely involved with those of Great Britain, 
such as John Foster's great Act for the Protection of Corn 
in 1784, with his refusal to protect Irish manufactures, which 
latter raised vehement riots in the city ; the discussion of 
William Pitt's offers of a commercial union with 
Ireland, and its final ill-starred rejection because 
Ireland refused to adhere to the British colonial 
tariff ; then the Irish demand to vote for the 
Regency, when George III. was ill, in complete independ- 
ence of the Parliament or Ministry in London; and many 
other assertions of Ireland's unrestricted autonomy. The 
last decade was passed in the fever of the scarcel}^ veiled 
rebellion, which overtly broke out in 1798, fomented all 
through by the United Irishmen, ever since, assuming control 
of the Volunteer movement, they leagued with France for 
the establishment of a Republic on the principles and lines 
of the regicide revolution. 


All through these conflicts, from first to last, rose the 
voice of Grattan, now in superlative eloquence, oftener, still, 
in rhapsodic rhetoric, and this, with the clash of parliamentary- 
debate, so filled the public ear, as to leave small entry for the 
appeal or the claims of a Municipal School Board. Our 
Minutes, which, in the previous hundred years, are studded 
with the names of distinguished statesmen and courtiers, 
show, in the last sixteen years of the centur}^, the attendance 
of only three Privy Councillors, the Archbishop of Dublin, 
Dr. Fowler, who was present only once, the Archbishop of 
Cashel, Dr. Agar Ellis, who was present once in 1786, and 
twice in the next year, when he was Viscount Somerton, and 
the Right Hon. David La Touche, who appears once in 1786, 
and only twice the year after. There are no other governors 
at the meetings outside the Corporation members, except 
the Bishop of Cloyne, Dr. Bennett, the Bishop of Kildare, 
Dr. George Lewis Jones, elected in 1790, and Archdeacon 
Fowler of Dublin, all whose visits are few and far between, 
and Baron George, who, however, atoned for many absentees; 
the Primate, Lord Rokeby, was elected, indeed, but we 
cannot find that he ever attended. 

The City Hall itself was drawn into the current of public 
events. The enthusiasm, kindled by the Volunteer movement 
was everywhere contagious for a time ; in those stirring years 
riots in Dublin were rife and continuous, and the agitations 
outside, doubtless, penetrated the Tholsel, and tended to 
disintegrate the solid Williamite phalanx with whom the 
Blue Coat had been so long a primary concern. We have an 
ominous entry, 20 October, 1789, when James Napper Tandy 
appears as a governor, a stormy petrel on an inland lake. 
What he came for then we do not know, but the routine 
details of that day had little to engage his troublous spirit, 
and this was his first and only apparition. It was just at the 
close of his earlier period as a tribune of the people, when, 
treading in the steps of Charles Lucas, he made war on the 
civic authorities; he was now about to embark on the seas 
of conspiracy and high treason, whereon he tossed to the 
end, seeking with Wolfe Tone to overthrow the British empire 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784-18CO 217 

by a French invasion, even though this might have made 
Ireland an appanage of France. 

We now find the attendances, even of our aldermen, are 
meagre. Save when an appointment was in the wind, often 
there was not a quorum. Boons to the Blue Coat had 
hitherto often originated in the City Assembly ; now its 
appeals are coldly received or rejected, and even the old 
grants are reluctantly maintained, and this was not for want 
of funds, for the city was freely spending in other directions. 
The weakening of sympathy at the centre tended to weaken 
the old attraction to our Board of great personages outside, 
whose presence had always attracted in turn that of the 
citizen governors, who were glad to sit in conference with 
them, and their abstention now increased the disposition 
of many of the Corporators to stay away. • 

Whatever the combination of causes may have been, we are 
forced to conclude that in these years of the Grattan 
Parliament, the public iuterest in the Blue Coat had reached 
its nadir with a corresponding decline within. 

Just before the re-opening in 1784, the Rev. Hamilton 
Morgan resigned. He had succeeded Ralph Grattan as 
chaplain and headmaster in the sixties, and the first act of 
the governors now was to appoint his son, Mr. Allen Morgan, 
in his stead. They were both University gentlemen, but 
both lacked the qualities that go to make a great head of a 
public school; yet their successive tenure of office covers 
nearly seventy years. The father had never taken his duties 
very seriously; he was an easy-going gentleman, who had 
married young, and came to the Blue Coat as a mere means 
of living, but he had interest outside ; he had been a school 
fellow of Foster, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, 
through the Duke of Leinster, was now appointed in the 
rectory of Dunlavin. As his son, Allen, in after years, 
devolved his teaching duties on others, and assumed to be 
chaplain only, with much ill consequences, as hereafter seen, 
we note here that when elected in January, 1784, he was 
called before the Board, Lord Mayor Thomas Green in the 
chair, and the duties of chaplain and headmaster, as defined 


by Swift, were read to him. He promised, if elected, to comply 
with them, and on this basis was approved by the Archbishop 
of Dublin, Dr. Fowler, as provided by the charter. 

Then followed the consecration of the chapel by the 
Archbishop ; it w^as opened for Divine Service on Trinity 
Sunday, 1784, in the presence of a large assemblage, con- 
vened by public notice in Faulkner's Journal. The painting 
of " The Resurrection " by Waldron, just then executed, 
was placed where it hangs now behind the Communion 

Seekmg extraneous aid, the governors, in 1785, elected 
the Primate, Lord Rokeby, and sent a deputation of the 
Lord Mayor, Sir Thomas Blackball, and others, to wait on 
his Grace. He was a man of great administrative power, of 
large fortune, and of noble munificence. Created Lord 
Rokeby in 1777, from his romantic estate on the Greta in 
Yorkshire, the scene of Sir Walter Scott's Rokeby, he is, 
perhaps, better remembered in our day as Primate Robinson, 
and by the splendid charities which long bore his name. 
Though we count him upon our roll of worthies, he would 
seem to have been unable to take an active interest in the 
Hospital, engrossed by the great institutions he founded in 
Armagh, and the building of churches all over the province.^ 
Of him, Grattan said, " he has the first episcopal dignity 
in this realm; it is his right, he takes it by virtue of the 
commanding benevolence of his mind, in right of a superior 
and exalted nature." 

In 1785, Denis George became Recorder and a Governor. 
On the death, in 1784, of Sir Samuel Bradstreet, who had 
been with us for eighteen years, Dudley Hussey succeeded 
him. George continued an able and faithful friend of the 
Blue Coat till far into the new century. In 1795 he w^as 
promoted to be a baron of the Exchequer, but was then 
re-elected on the Board, as the Recorders were upon it, only 
ex-officio. It was he, who, with our Lord Ma^'or Chairman, 
Henry Gore Sankey, inaugm'ated the building of the new 
Recorder's and City Court in Green Street. On 14 June, 

1 Right Hon. J. T. Ball's Reformed Chuych of Ireland, p. 221. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784-1800 219 

1792, they went in State together from the Tholsel. Sankey 
who is styled in the newspaper account, " a bright freemason," 
then practically exercised the craft of the order. Clothed 
in its apron and insignia, he laid the first stone with his silver 
trowel, and, of course, the ceremony ended in a banquet. 
Whitmore Davis was the architect. On his promotion 
George was succeeded as Recorder by William Walker, who 
held the office and sat on the Board for twenty-seven years 
to 1822, when he was followed by Sir Jonas Greene. 

There has been little change since in the original aspect 
of the chapel. In 1787 the organ gallery, with seats for the 
choir boys, was erected by Sir Thomas Blackhall's com- 
mittee. The other boys' seats ran in rows below, as now, but 
these, instead of facing the Communion Table and Pulpit 
ran parallel to the side walls and central aisle, with high 
partitions between each tier, thus fairly screening the sitters 
from the chaplain's ken, and enabling them to while away 
sermon time with elaborate carvings on the panels in fiont 
of them. This alluring arrangement continued to some 
twenty years ago, when a special fund was raised for repair- 
ing the chapel, mainly aided by an inaugurating ceremonial, 
when Archbishop Lord Plunket preached an eloquent 
sermon based on Nehemiah's restoration of the Temple. 
The old partitions were then found inscribed with the initials 
of generations of Blue boys and hieroglyphics, many and 
enigmatic as the inscriptions on an Egyptian column. But 
high plain panels were hideous, and the boys might have 
pleaded the expediency of some wood carving upon them. 
The walls now bear some tablets in memory of some of our 
worthies of the past. The latest of these is a handsome 
brass, by Mayer of Munich, in memory of John Hatchell, 
one of our best governors for forty years; it records his 
bequest of /500 to the Hospital, appropriated by his 
executor, Mr. Louis Perrin Hatchell, also a governor, to the 
completion at long last of the Cupola. This was dedicated 
last year by Archbishop Peacocke of Dublin. 

The governors now found themselves exposed to the 
proverb of the men who began to build but were not able 


to finish. Not only were the buildings not finished, but the 
builders were unpaid for those that were to the amount of 
some £4,000, and there were no funds in hand to meet this. 
To Chambers, the carpenter and joiner, alone, £1,600 was 
due, for which the Board could only give him debentures 
on the Hospital itself at six per cent, and several hundreds 
each were owing to the quarries, the masons, bricklayers, 
iron masters, carvers, and painters. These they could only 
keep at bay by paying heavy interest. Even in 1787 they were 
forced to give live per cent debentures to all, until in 1790 
we read that the builders are now very importunate, and the 
governors resolved to pay the most pressing out of their 
capital lent to the citv at four per cent, and thus to save 
something by reduction of interest. Even Ricky's bill for 
the boys' clothing in 1783, could only be met by half yearly 
interest extending over ^-ears. 

In this distress which lasted more or less to the end of 
the century and after, the governors resorted to many 
devices which were not attended with much success. They 
drew up a petition to the king, with one to the Duke of 
Rutland, the Lord Lieutenant, earnestly seeking the royal 
bounty. Nothing appears to have come of this. The Duke 
was indeed most popular, and took a generous interest in 
the Dublm charities, but for the reason above mentioned, 
the tide of favour at this epoch had passed to other objects 
of government bounty. Bartholomew Mosse's Rotunda 
Hospital seems now to have absorbed the sympathy of the 
wealth}^ and the great. The Duke visited it in state, and 
in his honour, the gardens lately laid out behind it were 
now named Rutland Square, with Granby Row, from the 
Duke's second title, for its western side. Palatial houses 
were now being erected all round ; the place became the 
centre of fashionable Dublin, and the Rotunda the spoiled 
child of ladies of high degree ; large grants were voted to it 
by Parliament, and a tax on carriages and sedans, once 
granted to our Blue Coat, but taken from it, 
was now transferred to the Lying-in Hospital. 
Had he lived, the Duke would probably have helped 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784- 1800 221 

us, but he died in Dublin whilst Lord Lieutenant 
in 1787, at the early age of thirty-three, to the 
universal sorrow, for he was beloved and beneficent, as his 
noble grandson, who so long represented the House of 
Manners, has been in our day. 

Then the Board attacked the governors of Erasmus 
Smith, their old objective, claiming as a right a large con- 
tribution to the new building in view of their twenty 
nominations to the School.'- The E. Smith governors on our 
Board are directed to " to support our claim with firmness," 
and again to attend at their own next meeting, and " make 
a demand of a sum of money due to this charity towards the 
rebuilding of this Hospital," but we had not then on our side 
the treasurer of E. Smith's, who, so often before and after, 
has helped the Blue Coat in emergencies, and for the then 
present we asked in vain. We might have yearned for the 
days of Archbishop King. Nothing could be hoped for from 
the Corporation now; they were, themselves, obliged to 
retrench, and by an Act of Econom}^ resolved on withdraw- 
mg from the Hospital the Toll Corn annuity of ^250, granted 
in Queen Anne's time, of which £750 was in arrear in 1784, 
and it was only by strong pressure they were persuaded to 
suspend this order from time to time. 

All that the Blue Coat could ever extract from the 
G rattan Parliament were some lines imposed on market 
jurors for non-attendance, by 27 Geo. HL, c. 46 (1787), and 
penalties inflicted by the Dublin Presentment Act of 1793. 
The fines were heavy, but the magistrates were slow to inflict 
them, and they did not add much to the Hospital revenue* 

A project for Charity Sermons in aid now adopted, had 
a fair success. Dr. Craddock, the Dean of St. Patrick's, 
complying with the request of the governors, preached in 
our new chapel on Sunday, 29 May, 1785, to a large congre- 
gation. He had a good name in Dublin, for a few years 
before, when his Deanery House, which had been Swift's, 
went on fire, regardless of all other possessions, his only 
thought was for the portrait of his great predecessor, by 

-8th December, 17S4, 3nl Decembei, 1789. 


Bindon, presented by the Chapter in 1738, and, perhaps, 
the best of his extant likenesses. Dean Craddock himself 
carried it from the flames into the street, and saved it, to be 
still a chief treasure in the home of the Dean of St. Patiick's. 

Shortly after, the governors approached Kirwan, the 
greatest pulpit orator of the day — some have said that he has 
never been equalled. His Charity Sermons were irresistible ; 
thrilled with emotion, ladies would tear off their bracelets 
and jewels and fling them on the plate, and men's gold 
watches liave been placed there too. One of these sermons 
alone resulted in a collection of /i,400. Though his oratory 
did not stand the test of printing and time as those of some 
great pulpit orators have done, it is doubtful if any surpassed 
him in living power. Educated for the priesthood by the 
Jesuits at St. Omer, he conformed to the Established Church 
in Ireland, but was never promoted beyond the Deanery of 
Killala.-^ Yet, his eloquence was the theme of wonder 
outside church-going people. Grattan, in the acme of his 
own fame, exclaimed of him : — " He came to interrupt the 
repose of the pulpit. The curse of Swift was upon him, to 
have been an Irishman, and a man of genius, and to have 
used it for the good of his country." 

Kirwan cordially accepted the invitation of our governors, 
and promised to preach on the first Sunday in May, 1785, 
for the benefit of the chaiity. All the due arrangements 
were made, and the Rev. Dr. Law is thanked for giving his 
parish church for the purpose. We have no direct record 
of the result, but the accounts for this year show an entry : — 
" Collection, Charity Sermon, £145,'' from which great 
contribution to a single offertory, in those days, we may 
fairly assume that Kirwan's sermon still lives in the stones 
of the edifice it aided to raise. 

Another entry near these suggests the activity of the 
Dublin coiners then : — " Bad silver in chapel, £5 13s. gd." 

Such precarious help, however, could never have enabled 
the Hospital to stem this period of depression and public 
apathy. But if public authorities withheld direct aid, the 

^ Ball's Reformed Church iu Ireland, p. 226. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784-1800 223 

legislation of the Grattan Parliament in the early eighties, 
indirectly almost supplied an equivalent. Of John Foster's 
measure, giving a protection duty against foreign corn, with 
a large bounty on Irish grain exported to England, Mr. 
Lecky says : — " It is one of the capital facts of Irish history. 
In a few years it changed the face of the land, and made 
Ireland to a great extent an arable instead of a pastoral 

If re-enacted it might have that result again. 

This, coupled with the bounties lavishl}^ though strangely 
voted for the inland carriage of corn from the rural districts 
to the Irish towns and ports, enhanced the rental of the 
Hospital estates amazingly. Our Nodstown, yielding £182 
rent in the twenty-one preceding years, was, in 1785, re-let 
at £527. So the tithes of IMullingar, previously leased at 
£135 yearly, were, in 1791, re-let at a rent of £210, and 188 
acres of Kilcotty, in Wexford, were, in 1795, let for twenty- 
one years at £1 8s. per acre. This had been devised to the 
Hospital by the will of Mr. George Kavanagh many years 
before, but only this year came into its possession. This 
good estate has since been lost, apparently through 
negligence and the Statute of Limitations. And in 1793 the 
site of the old Hospital, extending along the entire south of 
Blackball Street, was leased to Thos. Wildridge for ninety- 
nine years, at a rent of £100, with a covenant to build 
dwelling-houses from end to end. When twelve of these had 
been erected he failed, and was allowed to let the western end 
for stores. At the end of the term, in 1893, the street fell, 
with the Hospital, into a sad state of dilapidation, but has 
now been very profitably restored by the present governors. 

Thus strengthened, the governors undertook some of the 
sadly unfinished work. In 1792, the infirmary, so essential 
for the School then, was built as it now stands. But instead 
of husbanding their revenue to pay off their discreditable 
debts, and to complete the sad omissions of original plans, 
they spent their money in repeatedly raising the salaries of 
indifferent or worthless officers, and giving them pensions. 

■* Ireland in the iSth Century, Vol. II,, 386. 


Sir Thomas Blackliall, who had been the chief corner-stone 
of the new building, and had attended every meeting for five 
years after its opening, guarding all its interests, was unable 
to be present after 1789, though he lived to 1796, and others 
of the original projectors were dropping off ; and so we find 
some, even of the new work, already falling into ruin, for it 
could not be expected that unpaid tradesmen would not 
have scamped much of their work. 5 The laundry and wash- 
houses are found in 1795 being " very ruinous," and are 
allowed to remain so for more than two years, and so we 
read of the porter's lodge and entrances to the chapel, whilst 
the bowling green and all the curtilage round, and in front, are 
left with half finished walls, and without gates, at the mercy 
of trespassers from without and truants from within. And yet 
we note £37 yearly added to Mr. Allen Morgan's salary in 
1795, following an entry in 1794, of Doyle, a tradesman's 
bond for /350 with three and a half years interest due ; in 
1795 the bond is taken up and a new one issued at 6 per cent., 
and in 1796 two new debentures of £100 each, at the same 
interest, are handed to Dixon, the shoemaker, for the boys 

And at this time the poor boys seem to have fared but 
poorly; unable freely to use the playground, which was used 
for grazing, because the low walls were tempting, they 
petitioned the governors for leave to go to the Phoenix Park 
in 1790. This fair requset was flatly refused, so an entry two 
years after causes no surprise ; it orders " that the worst of 
the boys that quit the house without leave, be punished by 
confinement for some hours in the coal vault, and deprived 

■' But the main building is sound and solid. A short time since a trades- 
man engaged at some repairs, turned to Rev. Mr. Richards, our head 
mastei,who was regarding his work — " Look at those," said he, pointing 
to the fine cut stone in the facade, " the men that raised those knew what 
they were at, tJiey knew how to build. Look here, I have a new house that 
I pay /29 a year for, and when I'm at my dinner, I can hear the meat 
fryin' on the fryin'-pan in the kitchen next door, and the doors shut. 
That's what they're buildin' now." "But," said iSIr. Richards, "was it 
not a pity the old Governors had not enough money to complete the original 
design ?" "Original design ? Sure when the King came and looked at 
the place — 'Why.' says his Majesty, 'that's more like a Palace than a 
House of Pai)i.' " He did not specify the monarch who had this notion of 
a school 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784-1800 225 

of shoes and stockings for three days, and go to bed supper- 
less for three nights." This rather savage minute is some- 
what softened by another of the same day, instructing a 
committee to take steps " to give the bowhng green to the 
Bhie Boys," and yet this was only effected in two years 
more, when the walls were partially raised, and the windows 
were latticed, and at last on 20 May, 1794, the old bowhng 
green of Oxmantown was opened for the boys to play at all 
hours, and so it remains to this day. 

And yet in these years the Hospital enjoyed some valuable 
private gifts; one deserves special mention. A boy, named 
Hemming, had been trained in the Hospital in the fifties. 
He entered the army or navy and saved money. In 1795, 
the governors are informed that Captain Hemming had left, 
by his will, +^300 to his old school, with ;^2,ooo more subject 
to a life estate. The immediate gift was applied to the 
infirmary, the reversionary^ £2,000 only fell in 1838, and this 
was the subject of heated discussion with the governors some 
years afterwards, for having been invested as capital in the 
name of ^Ir. Mallet and two other governors, when it was 
needed for current expenses by the Board, Mallet angrily 
refused to sign tlie transfers, and was only forced to do so by 
an mi unction bill in Chancery, as to which he gave indignant 
evidence before the Endowed Schools Commission in 1858. 
Hemming's sister was housekeeper to the Hospital when the 
first legacy fell in, and the governors gratefully super- 
annuated her at full salary shortly afterwards. No one 
should challenge that act of grace. 

Of the governors who loyally wrought for the School like 
Blackball to the end. Alderman Sutton should be named. 
For the immediate needs at the opening he advanced £750, 
and in 1794 he presented the Board with £200, for which 
their thanks were ordered to be printed in the Dublin 
Journal, and the nomination of two boys so long as he was 
a member was conferred upon him ; a course which was often 
pursued from the beginning towards our benefactors ; it has 
long fallen into disuse, but the usage might well be restored 
at the present day. Sutton had proposed, when the new 



tuilding opened, that all the charities of Dublin should be 
asked for aid, on the plea that the new palace, if filled, would 
indirectl}^ lighten the burden of them all, but this appeal did 
not prove fruitful. Towards the close of the century, the 
governors, of whom he still was one, became more earnest. 
Archbishop Fowler came there in 1797. Some twelve 
hundred pounds came in for six sheriffs' fines. The old 
Dublin Rope Walk was now w^alled off and sold, the ruined 
laundry was restored, and the building debts were largely 
reduced, and in the very last days of the old centuiy we have 
an order to remove the cattle from the bowling green. 

In 1791, on Alderman Sutton's proposal, the Board 
directed that " a large Northumberland Mahogany Table to 
accommodate 24 persons, and covered with green cloth, 
be provided for the Boardroom, also 24 chairs covered with 
fine black leather, and a two armed chair, of the same 
material, for the Lord Mayor," This was done ^^dth a 
direction to give " The Old Armchair," to our Surgeon 
Whiteway, Swift's pupil. The table, armchair, and 22 of the 
chairs are still in our boardroom. They are good specimens 
of the sound Dublin work of the eighteenth century, and 
this incident is noted here as these ladder chairs have reached 
in our time a high value in the luxury market of London. 

In the period comprised in this chapter there were many 
changes in the Blue Coat staff. John Whiteway, who had 
been surgeon in the old school, carried down the connection 
with Swift ; he was the son of Martha Whiteway, the Dean's 
cousin, and his amanuensis and guarding companion m his 
failing years, and to the Dean's gratitude he owed his 
profession. He fills a long paragraph in Swift's will, which 
directs that he is to be brought up as a surgeon, and places 
£100 in his mother's hands towards this end, to be paid out 
of the arrear of his church livings." £5 is added for buying 
" such physical and chirurgical books as Dr. Grattan shaU 
think fit for him." He was a very effective member of 
our staff, and took a leading part in the building and manage- 
ment of the infirmary. Dying in 1797, he was succeeded for 
two years by Surgeon Philip Woodroofe, on whose death in 

TEMP. GEORGE III. 17S4-1800 227 

1799, Surgeon William Leake was appointed, also a valuable 
officer, who served the school for the more than thirty years 
that followed. Dr. Archer was replaced as ph3^sician by Dr. 
Harvey, in the first year of the new school in 1784, and on 
his resignation, ten years after, Dr. Bryan was elected, and 
continued to be ph3^sician into the new century. All these 
medical officers were members of our Board. Harcourt 
I>ightbume, who had succeeded Thomas White as steward, 
on the opening of the new building, died in 1792, and in his 
place Alderman Edmund Beasley was appointed, one of the 
worst appointments the governors ever made ; it might have 
fairlv been called a flagrant job. Sheriff and alderman in 
1775. he had been himself a governor some seventeen years. 
He was elected steward at fust on strict conditions that it 
was to be only for a year, and during pleasure, and that he 
was to resign his seat on the Board whenever asked, but 
not only was he retained as steward, with his maintenance 
and much-needed room in the Hospital, but his salary was 
increased. This would have been well if he had not been 
useless, but though his duties were confined to the steward- 
ship or household management, he was unable to perform 
them ; for when, two years after, Mr. Hart became registrar 
and agent, he was obliged to take Beasley's work in addition 
to his own, gratuitously, with the assistance of the butler, 
still leaving Beasley his salary and maintenance and rooms. 
Meanwhile the Board voted him an increase, first of £15, and 
then £25 a year. This abuse is severely exposed by the 
Educational Commissioners in 1808 ; they condemn the 
appointment of a governor as an official, and further find 
that when Mr. Beasley at length formally resigned, he was still 
retained in his apartments, with his full salary- of £135 as 
pension. This final job is not noticed in our ^linute book ; 
perhaps the governors were ashamed of it. 

Then John Wilson, who had been registrar and agent 
since 1779, died in 1794. His position in the city as once a 
sheriff's peer and town surveyor, and his succession to Ivory, 
as architect of the Hospital, gave him an authority v\'ith the 
Board, of which he was himself a member. Som.e /6,ooo of 


the new building cost were expended under him, and withal 
he undertook the duty of lecturing the Board in this period 
of depression. They probably deserved his strictures, for 
the letter which he had printed and circulated, was itself an 
act of insubordination, which governors, if efficient, should 
never have tolerated, or placed, as they did, in their archives. 
But we give it here in full, not merely as an internal evidence 
of the low estate of the Hospital at this time, but for the irony 
which this gentleman's own sequel imparts to it. 

To the Goveiniors of tJic Blue- Coat Hofpital. 

My Lords and Gentlemen, 

Bound ?.s I am by the ties of duty, and Affection for the Welfare 
of this Hofpital, I cannot but lament the Decreafe of Benefactions 
and Legacies to the Charity ; I have been told, to my great 
Mortification, that, different Charitable Perfons, who had 
bequeathed Sums of Money, have of late altered their Wills, 
and given the Preference to other Charities, thinking ours 

Reflection ftaggcied me ; I blufhed, confcious of the Public's 
difcerning eye ! T looked into myfeli, and inftantly, every other 
Perfon concerned in the Government of this Charity came into 
my View. 1 could not (even with a Partiality in their favom), 
pronounce their acquittal ; nor fhall I condemn any one^ but fhall 
remind the Governors, that better and wifer Rules and Orders 
were never framed, than were fupported in this Hofpital for 
many years ; if they had been adhered to to this Day, I fhould not 
have this unpleafant Story to relate. 

We had nearly f truck on this Rock , but I hope a revival of 
our good old Laws, will recover the Veffel and bring her fafe into 
Port again. I have often admired and read over and over again 
the old Books, and as often regretted our departing from the 
strict Obferv^ance of the Laws that made us admired, and under 
which we profpered. 

I have not the leaft enmity to Mortal, nor do I wifh for 
Innovation, but that every Perfon in Office fhould keep his own 
particular Station ; becaufe, I am fully convinced he will find 
enough to do in his own Department. 

I am encouraged to thefe few Remarks, by the gleam of 
favourable Attention fhewn last Affembly, to the Hofpital ; and 
I harbour the ftrongest hopes, that the Gentlemen have giv^en an 
earneft, that they mean to be the Protectors of fo great and fo 
laudable a Charity. 

It is hoped the Governors \\'ill accept of this as it is meant — 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1784-1800 229 

merely to do good. Tt is the overflcwing of a Heart that can have 
no other meaning,- -but to act the part Piovidence has affigned 
to him, who is, and always was, my Lords and Gentlemen, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 
April 4th, 1792. 

When, two years after, the writer died, his own accounts 
showed no less than £1,300 due to the Hospital which were 
lost for ever, for when the governors appealed to his sureties, 
and proceeded to put their bonds in suit, the demand was 
boldly repudiated. The governors were dared to go to trial, 
and on the advice of eminent counsel abandoned the claim. 
Their own remissness in allowing their officer to do as he 
pleased, would probably have proved an unanswerable plea 
on the equitable principles of suretj^ship. 

There is an entry of Wilson's in his own hand, as registrar, 
which gives another touch of his quality : " August, 1791. 
The assistant housekeeper was admonished for not treating 
Mr. Wilson with the respect due to him as a governor and 
agent, by telling him she did not care a pin for him." He 
was succeeded in 1794 by Mr. Robert Hart, who held office 
for thirty-five years, and of whom we shall have more to 

Yet Wilson had been elected at a great meeting in 1779 
by fifty-one governors, including twenty-one aldermen, with 
the Earl of Roden, Sir Lucius O'Brien, and Provost John 
Hely Hutchinson, none of whom ever attended before or 
after. He then succeeded Thos. Hawkshaw, whose accounts 
had been found by Wilson also defective to the amount of 
£800 : he followed the precedent effectively. 

[Chairmen and Lord Mayors. 


Our Chairmen and Lord Mayors from First George III. 
to the Union were : — 

Sir Patrick Hamilton. 
Sir Timothy Allen. 
Charles Russell. 
William Forbes. 
Benjamin Geale. 
Sir James Taylor. 
Edward Sankey. 
Francis Fetherston. 
Beniamin Barton. 
Sir Thomas Blackhall. 
George Reynolds. 
F. Booker, VV. Forbes. 
Richard French. 
Willoughby Lightburne. 
Henry Hart. 
Thomas Emerson. 
Henry Beadan. 
William Dunne. 
Sir Anthony King. 
James Hamilton. 











































Kilner Swettenham. 



John Darragh. 



Nathaniel Warren. 



Thomas Green. 



James Horan. 



James Shiel. 



George Alcock. 



William Alexander. 



John Rose. 



John Exshaw. 



Henry Howison. 



Henry S. Sankey. 



John Carleton. 



William James. 



Richard Moncrieff. 



Sir Wm. Worthington. 



Samuel Reed. 



Thomas Fleming. 



Thomas Andrews. 



J. Sutton & J. Exshaw. 

[ 231 ] 



The decline of King's Hospital as the exclusive favourite it 
had been in its first hundred years was doubtless due to the 
growth of the city through the eighteenth century, in the 
last three-quarters of which the erection of great public 
buildings and stately mansions was phenomenal. Side by 
side with these the city was expanding into new quarters, 
streets, squares, always creating new interests in which the 
Blue Coat governors as the municipal authority were deeply 
concerned, both as public and as private persons ; and, as 
each advance suggested another, grants from Parliament 
and the city estate were constantly sought at the expense of 
the monopoly which the Blue Coat had once almost enjoyed. 
The development may be seen in a general way by com- 
paring Brooking's Map, 1728, when it began, with Roque's, 
1765, when it was in full operation ; good copies of these 
appear in the seventh and eleventh volumes of Gilbert's 
Calendar. But to conceive this evolution duly, one must follow 
each great step in the order of dates, thus seeing to what 
each led on ; and as such a review has not, perhaps, hitherto 
been made in any of the Dublin histories, it is attempted 
here, so that we may thus compare the city at the time of 
the Union with the Dublin of the Restoration, as sketched 
above in Chapter I. 

We begin with the noble library of Trinity College, which, 
though commenced when Anne was Queen, was only 
completed in 1732. This changed the whole aspect of the 
quarter ; facing Nassau Street, still called by Brooking 


St. Patrick's Well Lane, where all to the west of unfinished 
Dawson vStreet were still the Minchen Fields ; it may be styled 
the Renaissance in Dublin, for few Renaissance works 
surpass it anywhere. Its forgotten designer was found by 
Dr. Stubbs to be Mr. De Burgh, of Old Court, Kildare.i It 
gave the keynote to all that followed. Next comes the 
Parliament Palaces ; begun in 1729, when Lord Carteret 
probably laid the fiist stone, it received the Houses in 173 1, 
but was only completed eight years after, still, leaving both 
the wings for another generation. The original conception 
has been credited by many as due to Cassels, but the 
practical architects were, undubitably. first Sir E. Lovett 
Pearce, and then Arthur Dobbs. This great work, 
of course, revolutionized old College Green. Then, 
in 1741, rose Tyrone House, the mansion ol the 
Beresfords, built for the first Earl of Tyrone on the 
space behind Marlborough Street, then known as Marl- 
borough Green, where the eastward city had ended, save for 
a group of houses on the strand at ^Mabbot's Corner. This 
led to the making of streets adjacent. Tyrone, Mecklen- 
burgh, Cumberland Streets were built in the great era of 
George II., though modern decadence has fallen on these, 
scarce arrested by the conversion of the mansion into the 
Schools of the Commissioners of National Education. Tlie 
designer was probably Cassels, for he was the architect of 
Leinster House, which was finished in 1745 for James, the 
twentieth Eail of Kildare, just then created Viscount 
Leinster in England, and some years after Duke, and 
Marquess of Kildare. In the same year, 1745, Trinity 
College, whose library had probably led to the selection of 
the site of Leinster House, erected the present Dining Hall ; 
whilst round Leinster House began to rise Leinster Street, 
Kildare Street, Molesworth Street, though Merrion Square 
behind was still open and swampy. These extensions gave 
an impulse to building round St. Stephen's Green, where few 
good houses had hitherto existed. Van Nost's statue of 
George II. was erected in the centre in 1759. In the north, 

^Stubbs, Trinity College, p. 176. 


Dublin ended at Great Britani Street in the middle of the 
century, but, in 1751, Dr. Bartholomew Mosse obtained for 
the Corporation the site of his Lying-in Hospital, which he 
transferred from South George's Street, and this induced 
very striking sequels. It was finished, with its beautiful 
Rotunda, in 1757. Cassels was the architect. Behind lay 
the gardens, and beyond open fields to Phibsborough village, 
with the Barley fields, on the space now filled by Frederick 
Street, Hardwicke Street, and Gardiner's Row. The new 
gardens, as they were called, were enclosed by stone walls, 
and it was only in 1784, when the Duke of Rutland visited the 
Hospital, that these were taken down and replaced by 
railings and the place named Rutland Square, with Granby 
Row to the west in honour of the Lord Lieutenant. But 
the Hospital fronted to Drogheda Street, running then as 
far as the Abbey Streets, where it was stopped by the back 
houses of the Bachelor's Walk, which then extended far down 
the present Eden Quay. But when Lionel, Duke of Dorsetr 
was secondly Lord Lieutenant, 1750-1753, the northern end 
facing the Rotunda, as far as Henry and Earl Streets, known 
as the j\Iall, was widened out and planted at the sides, and 
was now named Sackville Street in honour of the Viceroy, as 
the road from Bolton Street northward was named Dorset 
Street ; the residue from the site of Nelson's Pillar to Abbey 
Street was still Drogheda Street. All this led to the forming 
of St. Thomas' Parish, including the new district of Tyrone 
House and St. Thomas' Church, with its handsome Greek 
front by Ivory in the centre. 

Next year, 1759, Trinity College, inspired no doubt by the 
grand vicinity of the Houses of Parliament, erected the 
present fine front facing College Green, and at the same time 
the Provost's House close by. The designer of this was the 
Earl of Burlington and Ross, who adapted it from the 
mansion in Piccadilly, then built for General Wade. It is in 
all respects worthy of its position as the home of the 
Presidents of the University, who in brilliant succession have 
owned it, having as a private residence few ri\'als anywhere. 

But a new and potent impulse to the development was given 


by the Wide Streets Commissioners, whose functions under 
repeated statutes continued well into the nineteenth century. 
Their first Act was passed in 1757 to improve the connection 
of north and south by a straight street from Essex Bridge to 
the Castle. For, at foot of Cork Hill, on the site of Old Dame 
Gate, two carriages could not drive abreast. In widening 
Dame Street here, the Commissioners, unfortunatel}^ were 
content to give it the breadth as it now appears from Cork 
Hill to the Lower Castle Yard. They found their mistake 
when, in 1780, they were empowered to enlarge Dame Street 
from thence to College Green. Essex Bridge had been 
rebuilt at a great cost in 1753, but at the southern end a 
narrow causeway only reached to Essex Street, and the 
entrances to the old Custom House there, meeting 
a network of ancient lanes and houses by Isoult 
Tower, blocking the access to Cork Hill. The titles 
and tenures of these were ancient and complex, 
and it was not till 1769 that Parliament Street was fully 
opened. This at once led on to the conception of the Royal 
Exchange, promoted by the merchants to thwart the 
exactions of unfair tonnage tolls imposed on the up-river 
craft. Thomas Cooley was the architect of this splendid 
building, now the City Hall, but the city, as already 
mentioned, owes it to Charles Lucas, who forced it through 
Parliament when he was city member, obtaining a grant of 
£13,000 ; and his fine statue by Edward Smyth is still 
justly a chief ornament in the great central hall, standing 
not far from that of his friend George HI. by Van Nost. 
The first stone of the Exchange was laid by Lord 
Townshend, when Lord Lieutenant, in 1769 ; it 
was finished in 1779, and it ought to stand for 
ever, for it is founded upon the rock which stretches thence 
and under the Liffe}^ long known as Stand Fast Dick. And 
now Parliament Street and the Exchange at the one end, 
with the Parliament Houses and the new College front at 
the other, necessitated the widening throughout of Dame 

- .4 ;;/£■ Chapter IX. 


This was commenced in 1780, and went on for nearly 
twenty years. The Rotunda Gardens were now being girdled 
with costly mansions. In the sixties Lord Charlemont 
erected that fiom which the north side of the squaie was 
called Palace Row. He was himself a great connoisseur, and 
is said to have designed this mansion himself ; but we know 
about the same time he was engaged in beautifying his 
country house at Clontarf. For the Casino in the grounds 
his architect was the famous Sir Richard Chambers, the 
designer of Somerset House on the Thames, who had been 
his intimate friend and correspondent for many years,^ 
consulting him on all his elaborate ornamentations, and to 
whom we may attribute much at least of Charlemont House. 
No expense was spared upon it, and it was marked first 
amongst the noble houses of the city. Nearly at the same 
time Powerscourt House was built, 1771-74, for Richard 
Wingiield, third Viscount Powerscourt ; its architect was 
Robert Mack, and it was once accounted third in beauty of 
these homes. For many late years it has been occupied by 
the mercantile house of Messrs. Ferrier and Pollock. 

Next comes the Hibernian Marine School, far to the south- 
east, at the further end of Sir John Rogerson's Quay, which 
was opened in 1773, under very high auspices, for 
the training of the children of seamen of the navy 
and the merchant service. It had large grants 
from Parliament, the edifice costing /6,6oo, and 
was a formidable rival to the Blue Coat Hospital, 
as the navigation school there gave one of its chief claims to 
the favour of the mercantile classes. Our Thomas Ivory was 
architect. But it was built far to the east to connect it with 
the deep seaport then still at Ringsend, and thus could not 
take class as a city ornament. It has long been occupied by 
the timber stores of Sir Richard Martin & Company. 

Immediately after Ivory was engaged upon our new Blue 
Coat Hospital, which took ten years to complete, 1773-83, 
as detailed above in Chapter X. 

In 1777 Trinity College began their great Theatre or 

•' See C/iarlemont Papers, Historical Manuscripts. 


Examination Hall between the library and their west 
quadrangle, known as Parliament Square. It was built by 
a Mr. Meyers, who Dr. Stubbs probably thought was the 
designer, for he does not name the architect ; but. in 1779, 
Sir Richard Chambers ■* writes Lord Charlemont that, two 
years before, he was requested to make designs for con- 
siderable additions to the buildings in Trinity College, but 
that the vast work with which he was engaged on Somerset 
House, which, he says, was then on the anvil, prevented his 
coming over to Ireland to complete them ; and he was thus 
only able to give a general disposition of what he intended, 
from which, however, he adds, " the buildings are now being 
executed," and he may therefore claim the chief share of any 
merit there may be in the general mtention. There is very 
high merit in the general design, and Sir Richard's claim 
should be the more gratefully recognised because the facade 
of the College chapel, erected some years after at the opposite 
side of the quadrangle, is a replica of the theatre front. 
Leinster House naturally led to the enclosure of Merrion 
Square. The fine mansions around were begun in 1780 by 
our benefactor William Robert, the second Duke, and 
occupied some twenty-two years in building. The need for 
these, both here and in Rutland Square and St. Stephen's 
Green, was vastly enhanced by the reconstitution of 
Parliament in 1782, and artists from England and the 
Continent came to co-operate with our native talent, which 
was then rich. The graceful work of Angelica Kaufman and 
of several Italians is still beautiful on the ceilings and walls 
of many of the houses of our gentry, and even of some that 
have since degenerated into tenements, as in Henrietta 
Street. Meanwhile Essex Bridge had remained, as it had 
been for more than a hundred years, the only link between 
north and south to seaward. But the spread of the city 
on both sides eastward now made a new connexion inevitable. 
The restoration of Essex Bridge in 1752 was followed by 
projects in Parliament in that and the next year for a new 
bridge and a new Custom House. Thereupon the old conflict 

"■ Charlemont Papers, Historical Manuscripts, p. 349, 20th May, 1779. 


with vested interests, the foes of reform, which had raged 
round Essex Bridge itself in 1676, was now renewed ; the 
city was in arms ; both Houses in the City Assembly called 
on Parliament to reject the proposal as disastrous. We ma}' 
smile at this opposition now ; but, when we remember the 
vast interests of mercantile and even of working men that 
had gathered round the old Custom House, and see m the old 
pictures the vessels that thronged the river up to the bridge, 
and recall how even the new expansions had increased the 
value of the old Ferry franchises, we can see how revo- 
lutionary the project was, and feel no surprise that the bills 
then fell through. 

But in 1760 Aston's Quay was restored. The city lease 
of the Restoration times to Lord Anglesea. of the slobs then 
fronting Fleet Street, had been assigned to Major Henrj^ 
Aston generations before ; he had reclaimed them, and 
formed a rough quay with poor buildings behind that had 
fallen to ruin, and the city this year renewed the grant to his 
grandson on the terms of his rebuilding and restoring the 
quay. Encouraged by this, the project for the new bridge 
close by came again before Parliament, but, vehemently 
opposed by the city, was again thrown out. The need, 
notwithstanding, grew yeaily more imperative ; docks had 
been constructed far down the river by the Harbour Board, 
the space at the old Custom House was now quite inadequate, 
and at last, in 1780, the first stone of the nev/ Custom House, 
which is the glor}' of Dublin, was laid. This masterpiece of 
James Gandon's took many years to complete, but the 
foundation ston e had sealed the fate of opposition to the bridge ; 
for, though this was only linished in 1794, it then took the 
name of the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Lieutenant 1780-82. It 
was to change our centre of gravity for ever. 

The very prospect of it imparted new impetus. In 179 1 
£100,000 was assigned by statute to the Wide Street 
Commissioners. A fourth of this was devoted towards 
forming the pride of our causeways by erasing the east of 
Bachelor's Walk and Drogheda Street to Henry Street, so 
that Sackville Street should open as now from the river to the 


Rotunda ; £25,000 was allocated to connect this line by 
Cavendish Row with the Great Northern Road, which the 
Act recites had been then completed by broadening Dorset 
vStreet towards Drumcondra. Then Frederick Street was 
cut through the Barley Fields, purchased for the purpose 
fiom Lord Mountjoy, whose estate thus began to form an 
important part of the city— Gardiner's Row leading to the 
line of the Gardiner Streets ; and so a new parish became 
essential. In 1796 St. George's Parish was created by 
statute, within limits which even then comprised parts of the 
ancient St. Michan's, which had reached from the Park to 
the sea. Lord Mountjoy gave the site for the church and 
church\^ard, which originally occupied the slope over Great 
Britain Street, but Mountjoy Square, designed just as the 
new century began, when finished, with its offshoot streets, 
compelled the transfer of the parish church to its present 
site in Temple Street. With the balance of the £100,000, 
under the Act of 1791, the Commissioners are directed to 
complete Dame Street. The xAct recites that the Com- 
missioners had already taken down and rebuilt the southern 
side of new Dame Street, from the Lower Castle Yard to 
Trinity Street, and that they were then about to take down 
and rebuild the north side from Anglesea to Eustace Streets ; 
and then provides that all future houses from Trinity Street 
to Church Lane, and from Eustace to Parliament Streets, 
sliall be built by their owners to range in uniformi style with 
the rest, to form a grand passage fiom His Majesty's Castle 
to the Parliament House and College Green. To connect 
these with the new bridge was now essential, and Westmore- 
land Street, so called from the Viceroy of 1790-95, was now 
laid out. The beautiful eastern wing of the Parliament 
House had lately been completed by Gandon; and, before the 
centurv ended, the continuous line was now compleie, south 
to north, from St. Stephen's Green to the Great Northern 

In all this while the Law Courts in Christ Church Place had 
become wholly inadequate, both in site and size, but their 
replacement needed many years, and it was only in 1796 tbe 


new Courts were opened on Inns Quay. The original 
splendid design was by Cooley, who, beginning so far back 
as 1776, only lived to complete the western wing, and the 
great work passed into the hands of James Gandon. The 
new Recorder's Court, transferred from the Tholsel, was 
opened in 1797. 

So stood the evolution of our capital at the time of the 
Union. It had to force its way not only through financial 
difficulties and structural obstructions, but in the face of 
keen oppositions at many stages.'' Even Parliament Street 
was fiercely resented ; and, when the Commissioners, having 
purchased the houses, proceeded to remove them, the 
inhabitants refused to stir, and were only expelled when in 
a single night the roofs were removed, and the terrified 
inmates rushed elsewhere. But Dublin had now won a place 
amongst the beautiful cities of Europe, though 

Tantae molis erat Dublinam condere gentcm. 

6 Whitelaw's Vol. II., p. 1078. 



TEMP. GEORGE III. 1 800.1820. 

It might have been hoped that the Act of Union would have 
restored to the Blue Coat its relative status in the city at 
least, and attracted to the Board, as of old, many of the best 
men in the country, but this was not so, for a time at least. 

When the new century opened the number in the school 
was no, but now, once more our story reflected the current 
of public events, and darkened for a while. For the Corpora- 
tion, alarmed at the loss to the city sure to follow the cessation 
of Parliament, and the flight of notables to London, began 
to shrink from maintaining their usual subsidies to the City 
School. In sending at the end of 1801 the Toll Corn annuity 
of £2^0, regularly paid for eighty years, they voted it 
expressly for a single year only, and, with deep regret, the 
Governors resolved to limit the number to 100. Richard 
Manders, grandsire of the family so long afterwards esteemed 
members of Dublin society, was then our Chairman and 
Lord Ma3^or ; with him sat the Archbishop of Dublin, Lord 
Somerton, he was the Hon. Charles Agar, grandson of our 
old friend, Welbore Ellis, Bishop of Meath, whose daughter 
had married the first Lord Clifden ; he was raised, in 1806, 
to the Earldom of Normanton, and is another of our many 
governors who have recruited the House of Lords. Manders 
did his best to stem the decline. In 1802 an appeal to the 
Board of Erasmus Smuth was met by a gift of £1,000, and 
the Right Hon. David Latouche, ancestor of the families of 
Marlay and Belleview, joined our Board. A strong 
Committee was directed to collect subscriptions, and two 
proposals were made to elect the city members ex-officio 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1800-1820 241 

gov'ernors, and that all future governors should pay £300 
on his appointment ; both projects proved abortive, for the 
members were off to London, and the number of those able 
and willing to pay so much for such an honour, were 
shrivelling too. 

Next year, when Jacob Poole was Loid Mayor and 
Chairman, the Corporation were again petitioned to require 
all High Sheriffs on appointment to contribute a fixed fine 
m support of the School, and though this was favourably 
answered, it brought no immediate revenue. So, again, in 
1805, the governors felt bound to reduce the number to 100 
boys as vacancies arose, but they forwarded at the same 
time a petition to the Imperial Parliament, urging " the 
great advantage that must result to the State from educating 
a number of youths in the pure and loyal principles of the 
Protestant religion, thereby attaching them, by every 
prmciple of gratitude, to the city and to the Government." 
This they sent to the Right Hon. John Foster, " that friend 
of the city, the Chancellor of the Exchequer," asking his 
advice as to the best manner of presenting the petition. 
Foster replies in his courteous style from London in June, 
most willing to help, but advising that the session is now 
too far advanced for money applications, and that the 
recommendation of the Lord Lieutenant would be essential. 
We now know how the then Lord Lieutenant, Lord Hardwick, 
was bowed down by the draughts, many blameless, some 
baseless, some base, made on the Government in connection 
with the passing of the Act of Union, and how little hope 
there was of his recommending money for a simple charity. 
We had this year on our Board the Archbishop of Cashel, 
the Hon. Charles Brodrick, a great grandson of our friend, 
Queen Anne's Chancellor, first Lord Middleton, and direct 
ancestor of the late distinguished Secretary for Wai. The 
Archbishop was an active governor, and proved very useful 
shortly after, when our estate of Nodstown, which was in the 
vicinity of his palace at Cashel, became a subject of anxious 

A short entry in 1805 gives another slight echo of the 



histor}' of the time ; it is that of the admission of Charles 
Vaughan, son of Charles, " elected by the Board at large 
in consideration of his father having been murdered in the 
rebellion (Robert Emmet's in 1803), and the inability of his 
mother to support him." 

In 1807 three events happened of moment to us : — 
(i). The Napoleon wars, now at their height, had immensely 
stimulated the growing of home wheat, and the value of land 
went up by bounds. Our Tipperary estate of Nodstown 
had been let in 1785, at a rent of iS'^Jy foi" a- term of twenty- 
one years now expiring", and the advertisements of the 
governors for new lettings were met by no less than fifteen 
tenders, offering from £2 to £2 los. per acre. New surveys 
were ordered, which disclosed that many acres had been 
filched by encroachments, but more than 600 good arable 
acres remained ; and, in 1810, a new lease was executed to 
Francis O'Kearney at £1,459 a year, or a net increase of 
£930 on the old rental. This should have set us up, so long, at 
least, as war rents lasted ; but, on hearing of the tenders, the 
City Assembly, by a majority, resolved to withdraw their 
casual contributions : the Toll Corn annuity of £250, the 
sheriffs' and other fines, averaging in all more than £800 a 
year, and thus almost to neutralize the Nodstown 
increment. (2j. But at this time the Educational 
Commission, under the Act of 1806, was sitting 
in Dublin ; they had extensive powers, not only 
of enquir}^, but of making recommendations to the 
Lord Lieutenant. Their report on our Hospital, already 
mentioned, contains a very able and exhaustive survey of 
its history for the twelve years to the end of 1808. The 
commissioners highly commend the School and its public 
utility; they find the average income in the twelve years 
to have been upwards of £3,000 yearly, and suggest that the 
withdrawal of the Corporation grants must seriously affect 
the number of pupils maintained, even in view of the 
prospective increment from Nodstown, the number then 
having, as presently explained, again risen to 130. They 
acknowledge the artistic beaut}^ of the building, but deplore 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 180C-1820 243 

the ambition of the plans, by which, after an expenditure 
of /2i,ooo, the Hospital was not only left incomplete, but 
with a debt of £4,000, loading the revenue with iTy^o a year, 
which they strongly recommend should be paid off with all 
speed, as the dormitories, though designed for 300 boys, now 
scarce sufficed for 120. The report has minute tables of the 
sources of revenue, and of the dietary then in use. This to 
us very serviceable report is signed by six commissioners, 
the Primate, Dr. William Newcomen, Provost Hall, of 
Dublin University, Dean Verschoyle of St. Patrick's, Rev. 
James Whitelaw, the very worthy historian of Dublin, 
William Disney, and Richard Lovell Edgeworth, the eminent 
father of a more eminent daughter. He was a great practical 
educationist, and one of the most accomplished Irish 
gentlemen of his time. 

In commenting on the Beasley case, the Commissioners 
commend the governors for consolidating again the offices 
of steward and registrar, on Beasley's resignation, in Mr. 
Robert Hart. Whitelaw, in his History of Dublin,^ says of 
Hart : " that from the period of Mr. Beasley's superannuation 
to his death, he had performed the important duties of 
steward gratuitously, and with that integrity, ability, and 
solicitude for the interest of the institution with which he 
has uniformly discharged every trust reposed in him by the 
governors," and he congratulates him " on the increase of 
his salary, on the union of offices, to ;£250." This eulogy was 
well deserved at the time, and for some years after. Yet, it 
was, perhaps, unfortunate, as it may have induced the 
governors to leave Mr. Hart, as they did, an almost uncon- 
trolled management of all the business affairs of the Hospital, 
and now offers a painful contrast to the serious reflections 
upon that management in later years, made in the reports 
of the Education Commissioners of 1858. 

Whitelaw attributes the abuses, which had been permitted, 
to what he calls the never failing consequences of govern- 
ment by great numbers of unaccountable governors. There 
were then seventy-iive governors in all, and, no doubt, there 

' Vol. I.. 575- 


IS a tendenc}^ when a Board is large, to leave to officials routine 
administration, on which, however, results chiefly depend, 
and themselves to attend only in full array when an 
appointment is to be made. This, our annals prove, thev 
alwa^'s did ; the system leads to canvassing, and the choice 
of officials by favour. All through we find a not very 
edifying relationship of the person selected, to some 
influential member of the Board, not always those most 
zealous for the welfare of the institutions. But on the whole 
Whitelaw's judgment on our governors is favourable. The 
interior economy, he says, is excellent ; the officers discharge 
their duties from the purest motives, and the general conduct 
of the boys is good, and he concludes with the anxious wish 
that funds should be found, not only to restore the former 
numbers, but to enlarge them so far as the plan of the 
buildings will admiit. (3). And in 1807 the Board had an 
accession, the most effective and beneficent since that of 
y\rchbishop King. Lord Chief Justice Downes had succeeded 
to the King's Bench, on tlie murder, in Thomas Street, of 
Lord Kilwarden in Emmiet's rebellion. He was now, like 
Dr. King, treasurer of the Erasmus Smith Board, and 
followed his steps in the wise policy of making the cognate 
charities work in unison. In February, 1807, he personally 
informed our governors that, as treasurer of the Erasmus 
Smith Board, he was entitled, as a personal perquisite, to a 
poundage of one fortieth on its revenues, which he now 
contemplated applying to the support of such additional 
pupils in the Hospital as this would meet, these to be 
nominated as the Erasmus Smith Board should appoint. 
The governors thereon sent a Committee to wait on the 
Chief Justice, gratefully accepting his public-spirited proposal, 
and adding the single condition that the boys on this new 
foundation should be ''the offspring of Protestants." 

In April the Chief Justice sent a final resolution to the 
effect that his poundage fees would then support seven new 
boys, and afford a reserve for their apprenticeships, in 
addition to the twent}^ already on the Erasmus Smith 
foundation, under Archbishop King's statute of George I., 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1800-1820 245 

and he further proposed to add ten new boys on that 
foundation, making thirty-seven in all, the sons of Protestants, 
all to be maintained in like manner as the rest of the pupils. 
They stipulated only that all the new nominations should 
be made by the treasurer for the time being " until further 
order," and that all their own future treasurers should be 
chosen, subject to this application of the poundage fees, 
this order to be read at all future elections to that office. 
This treaty, of course, was gratefully ratified, and seventeen 
boys were forthwith added to our rolls. 

Thus encouraged, the governors suspended the order to 
reduce, wliich had not yet taken effect, and so the number 
stood, m 1808, at 130. Under these influences the Corpora- 
tion suspended their withdrawal of the casual grants, and 
made 130 the nominal limit. 

But the Chief Justice did not stop here. In the end of 
1808 he told our governors that on personally visiting the 
Hospital he saw many things in many places wliich needed 
amendment, and obtained a Committee of Inspection, he 
himself being first on the list, the Lord Mayor, Frederick 
Darley, being chairman. Their visits revealed the many 
bald defects, for the building, as we know, had never been 
finished, and premature decay had already set in. The 
pillarr, half erected, meant to sustain Ivory's great steeple 
or cupola, stood gaunt against the sky as if they had been 
shattered in a hurricane. Many of the necessary rere offices 
had never been even begun, and most of them were 
incomplete, so the whole matter was committed tor report 
to Mr. Francis Johnston, the architect of the Board of 
Works, and the most eminent Irish Architect of his day. 
His duty was prolonged, for he was to estimate the cost of 
everything necessary to put the whole building and offices 
in thorough repair, " and fit and commodious for the 
purposes for which they were designed," and it was not till 
March, 1810, that the Chief Justice was enabled to lay 
before the governors the resolution of his own Board, based 
on Mr. Johnston's estimates. It was found that the 
completion of the cupola would alone cost £4,000, and that 


other subjects of the original plans, now recommended by 
Johnston, were beyond any presently procurable means, 
but that the actually necessary works could be effected for 
about £3, 000. These comprised the reparation of the chapel, 
the adaptation of the chaplain's room into a dormitory for 
forty bo3^s, a laundry, and sanitary arrangements not 
usually thought of so early in the century, for these included 
a great arched sewer to the Liffey, and ventilation in all the 
dormitory windows, the enclosure of the Hospital front 
within railings as they now exist, and the taking down of the 
cupola shafts, and removal of the turrets on the wings, which 
Johnston reported even then were tottering. This £3,000 
the Chief Justice, as treasurer, now offered on behalf of his 
Board, on the sole condition that it should be spent by a 
Committee of our governors, and confined to the above 
utilitarian objects. This committee he nominated himself. 
There were the Lord 'Ma.yoT,ex-officio,the Lord Chief Justice, 
the Dean of St. Patrick's, Dr. Verschoyle, Dr. Hall, Provost 
of Trinity College, Right Hon. Sackville Hamilton, Mr. 
Walker, the Recorder, and the Hon. John Pomeroy. This 
most handsome offer was accepted by our governors with 
effusive gratitude, and ratified in the Spring of 1810, Sir 
Wm. Stamer, Bart., being then Lord Mayor and Chairman. 
All these improvements were carried out, save that the poor 
cupola, ruled out of court as non-essential, was not taken 
down, nor were the turrets ; their completion had been 
anxiously considered in three successive years since the 
beginning of the century, but always deferred for want of 
means, and even now the hope survived that some benefactor 
might still arise ; and so the stark shafts were left to stand 
up against the the sky in Palmyrean desolation, chronic 
ruins, which, though pronounced by Johnston to be even 
then in danger of falling, lived through the storms of 1839 
and 1903, till replaced by the new cupola inaugurated by 
Lord Dudley in June, 1904. But though Ivory's great steeple 
never pierced the sky, it has affected architectural Dublin, 
for when Francis Johnston, a few j^ears after, was building St. 
George's church, he modelled his handsome spire on this ideal. 

TEMP. GEORGE ITL, 1800-1820 247 

In the two following years the energ}' of the Chief Justice 
was felt everywhere. The Beasleys, husband and wife, were 
dispossessed and pensioned off, and Mr. Dalton, the second 
schoolmaster, given their rooms, with a large increase of 
his salary, to £200 a year, in view of the increased number 
of the boys, but on the terms of the entire devotion of his 
time, and of his giving up private tuitions. Mr. Hart had 
justice done him in regard of his having discharged Beasley's 
duties gratis for several years, and of his now permanently 
taking the double duty. All the rooms were overhauled, a 
drying yard added behind the infirmary, and the master's 
garden, as existing now ; the dormitories were refurnished 
with proper bedsteads, and arrangements made for sending 
invalid boys to country or seaside ; the handsome Board 
room was re-decorated and carpeted. Fifteen and then 
twenty guineas a year were voted for premiums and 
medals to deserving pupils, these to be conferred by the 
governors in person, and nearly all these things are noticed 
as done at the instance of the Chief Justice, whom we find 
usualh' accompanied by Baron George. In 181 1 he added 
thirteen more boys, thus raising those on the Erasmus Smith 
foundation to a total of fifty, and under this impulse the 
governors added seven on that of the city. Our chairmen 
in these years, 18 11 and 1812, were Nathaniel Hone and 
W. H. Archer, who worthily supported the Lord Chief Justice. 
In 1809, Dr. Bryan, who had been our physician for fifteen 
years, resigned, and Dr. Lestrange replaced him, and 
on his resignation in 181 1, Dr. William Harty, an 
admirable appointment, undertook the duty. 

Heie sounds another echo from the great world outside. 
In 18 1 2 Great Britain had, with the Peninsular war, a war 
with America on her hands. The recruiting sergeant was 
everywhere, and found access to our boys, of whom 
he captured several. The governors met in wrath 
in October, the new Lord Mayor, Bradley King, 
in the chair, and resolved that recruiting parties 
had no right to enlist their boys, and would 
never be permitted to do so on any account. They 


demanded back those who had joined the ranks, directing 
the registrar to pay the expenses incurred, and posted 
notices that any boys enhsting would be expelled in " the 
most public and ignominious manner," and that none 
should leave the Hospital save by written permits. And 
yet some of them might have fared as well in the army as 
at the trades to which most of them were destined, for the 
weakness of our School for nearly two hundred years was 
in the rule which admitted children of eight and nine years, 
and compelled them inexorably to leave at the end of five 

Our prestige however had now been restored. In 181 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, John Foster, became a 
governor. But in 1813 our Board achieved what we may 
call its Blue Ribbon in the accession of Charles Lennox, 
K.G., fourth Duke of Richmond, who came here in 1807 as 
Lord Lieutenant, with Sir Arthur Wellesley as his Chief 
Secretary. He came with a nmndane aureole about him 
from two famous duels, which were once the topic of the 
London world. When a young Colonel in the Coldstreams, 
in 1789, the gossip of the Daubigne Military Club rumoured 
that he had not acted with sufficient spirit when affronted 
by somebody. Lennox demanded explanations as to the 
when, where, and who, of this calumny, and receiving no 
reply, wrote to Frederick, Duke of York, Commander in 
Chief, and head of the Club, with the alternative of a 
challenge in case redress was declined. Frederick was the 
King's favourite son, but waiving his right as Prince of the 
Blood, and his quasi ecclesiastical dignity of Bishop of 
Osnaburgh, he accepted the challenge. He was then living 
with his brother George, Prince of Wales, who suspected what 
was afoot; but Frederick, leaving his own hat in the hall to 
avert suspicion, and taking that of one of the household, 
met Lennox on Wimbledon Common. When the signal was 
given, Frederick fired in the air, but Lennox shot point blank, 
and his ball grazed the Prince's ear^ singed the love lock 
over it, and stirred his hat.- The shot would have surely 

-Dublin Chronicle, C'th May, 18S9. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1800-1820 249 

been fatal, but that immediately before it was fired, and 
when the Prince was facing the foe, front to front, his second 
had peremptorily ordered him to stand sideways. Lennox 
called out to the Prince, " Your Highness has not fired." 
" I only came here," was the reply, " to give you satisfaction, 
and if you are not satisfied you can fire again." On Lennox 
then demanding a withdrawal of the charge of want of 
gallantry, Frederick said, " Yes, you have behaved well, 
better than on the occasion which led to this." The verdict, 
military and social, in London, was, that Lenno.x had acted 
with courage, but not with judgment, and all applauded the 
calm valour of the Prince. But it didn't end here ; for 
amongst the public comments was a letter of Theophilus 
Swift, son of Deane Swift, the great Dean's cousin, which, 
m eulogizing Frederick, said that Lennox had acted in a 
cowardly way, and, challenged accordingly, they met in a 
field by the Uxbridge Road in July.-^ Lennox had chosen 
pistols, they stood ten paces apart, and Lennox being 
allotted to fire first, the ball smote Swift in the abdomen 
and sent him sprawling just as his hand was on the trigger 
of his own pistol, which went off in vain ; the ball was easily 
extracted. The name of Swift brought the event nearer to 
Dublin, where the newspaper's judgment was that the 
relative "of our immortal Dean " was known for his great 
eccentricities. But, if a swashbuckler, Lennox was the best 
of good fellows. When commanding the 35th foot, he played 
cricket with the rank and file, and made his officers do 
likewise, a rare mark of condescension then, and the echoes 
of his social revelries whilst here are still awake in Dublin. 
In 18 13 our governors had resolved to dine together in the 
Board room on the King's birthday, and the Lord Mayor, 
Bradley King, of his own impulse, invited the Duke to honour 
them with his presence. He accepted at once. We have no 
record of the banquet, but they seem to have had a good 
night of it, for the governors afterwards specially thanked 
the Lord Mayor for inviting his Grace, and followed this 
up by a deputation, asking the Duke to become a governor 

•^ Dublin Chronicle 47, July 1889, in p. 229, 245. 


for life, which his Grace also graciously consented to do, 
with an expression of his wish to render any service in his 
power to the institution ; and he showed his goodwill by 
promising to provide a place for a boy named Robert Ellward 
in one of the public offices, when informed by the governors 
that he was fitted to hold it.^ But, though elected for life, the 
Duke was now called away to the great war. He was on the 
staff of the Duke of Wellington, his former Chief Secretary, 
at Waterloo, and it was his Duchess who gave the memorable 
ball in Brussells on the 15th of June, immortalized in " Childe 
Harold " when " there was a sound of revelry by night," 
broken by the cannon roar, and the partners, fair women 
and brave men, parted, many for ever, for many were going 
to the dance of death next^^day at Quatre Bras, and three 
days after at Waterloo, j i Two of our greatest institutions, 
the Richmond Hospital and the Richmond Lunatic Asylum, 
commemorate the lieutenancy of our gallant life governor, 
which, in the interests of our Hospital, was all too short. 
Whilst here, his aunt. Lady Sarah Napier, the mother of the 
three great Napiers, lived at Celbridge ; she had been the 
lovely Sarah Lennox, the first love of young George III., 
and narrowly escaped being Queen of England. 

About this time the Hospital obtained a windfall under 
circumstances romantic in the history of charities. It may 
be remembered that Alderman John Preston, one of our 
founders, had granted the Hospital, with other gifts, £20 a 
year, and this had been paid for more than one hundred 
years ; it was tabled in the Commissioners' report of 1808 as 
a simple annuity, but during their inquiry, it transpired 
that Preston, by deed, had charged this annuity on his 
estate of Cappoloughlin, in Queen's County, then only 
yielding £80 a year, with two other charitable devises, to 
schools in Meath and Queen's County of £35 and £25, thus 
exhausting exactly the then rental of ;£8o, our annuity of 
/20 being just one-fourth. Preston had thriven, his 
descendants owned one of the best estates in Royal Meath, 
and successively represented Navan or Meath in the Irish 

* Minute Book, 35th November. 1S13. 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1S00-1820 251 

Parliament, and in 1800, Mr. John Preston, of Bellinter, 
was raised to the peerage as Lord Tara, for his rich lands 
stretched from the Boyne to beneath the Dome of Tara Hill, 
stronghold of the Irish Kings. It was now found that 
Preston's deed provided that, if the rents increased, the sur- 
plus should go to the three schools as his heirs should direct 
The Education Commissioners now reported that great 
abuses had taken place, in the application of the rents of 
the lands, and that a large proportion remained still 
unappropriated. We defer the sequel to the time, when, at 
last, the rights of the Hospital were fully established, noting 
merely here that in 1812 and 1813 some ;;^400 was paid to 
our governors, in respect of their claims on the Cappoloughlin 

Animated by this, some of our governors now proposed 
to establish a classical school in the Hospital, with exhibitions 
in Trinity College.^ At the same time, our physician. Dr. 
Harty, who had hitherto gratuitously served with high 
efficiency, sent in a strong memorial for a salar}'- now, 
grounded on the late great increase both in the number of 
boys in his charge and in that of the annual revenue, and 
those projects might have been carried out, but, that while 
under consideration, the roseate prospects began to darken. 
The sinister shadows of the Court of Chancery gathered 
round them, and the Preston rents, as after told, were 
dissolving in costs, and unpaid to the Hospital. 

Now, too, Chief Justice Downes became unable to attend 
the Board. He was raised to the peerage in 1822, and dying 
soon after, his title became extinct, but he has left us a noble 
memory so long as the Hospital lives. His loss to us may be 
seen in the fact that in the last five years of George III.'s 
reign, there were only eighteen board meetings, at three of 
which no work was done, as against twenty-eight in the 
five previous years. In 18 16 there were only two meetings, 
and in 1817 there appears to have been none. Tord Downes 
was succeeded in the King's Bench by the graceful Charles 
Kendal Bushe. 

'' 17th February, 18 14. 


For the peace restored after Waterloo did not biing 
blessings to the Blue Coat. The war rents, as might have 
been foreseen, fell as swiftly as they had risen. In 1815 the 
Nodstown £1,400 was unpaid, and the governors were forced 
to evict poor O'Ksarney, and let the lands for six months, 
pending redemption, for £100, and when, two years alter, 
they succeeded in re-lelting, it was at a loss of £400 a year. 
Similarly our impropriate tithes of Mullingar and Kilcotty, 
which, of course, depended on the value of farm produce, 
fell perpetually in like proportion, so that, in 18 16, the 
governors sorrowfully resolved, in view of these losses, that 
no more boys should be admitted until the debts, " due to 
the several persons who supply this house with provisions," 
shall be paid off. But for the strong contingent maintained 
by the Erasmus Smith Board, the numbers must have fallen 

As the governors may, at times, have seemed bigoted, 
we may mention in connection with Nodstown, that at the 
re-letting in 1810, Rev. James Slattery, the parish priest of 
Ardmayle, in which the lands lay, petitioned the Board for 
the site of his chapel, offering any rent they might require, 
and this request, at a full meeting, was at once granted. It 
was ordered that this site should be reserved from all 
projected lettings, and held in trust for the chapel and yard, 
at a shilling a year. At this meeting, Dr. Brodrick, Arch- 
bishop of Cashel, was in the chair. The re-letting in 18 16, 
to Mills, was on the terms asked by the x\rchbishop, of his 
giving to the Protestant perpetual curate of Ardmayle ten 
acres and a house for a glebe, but it was made subject to a 
rent of four guineas an acre. 

The old King died 29 January, 1820. Our last entry in 
his reign in March, 1819, again reflects history outside. 
O'Connell was now thundering for Catholic Emancipation, 
and William Conyngham Plunket, in Parliament, was urging 
that cause with Ciceronian eloquence. In the Dublin Evening 
Post, their organ just then, appeared a series of paragraphs, 
asserting that the Protestant petition to Parliament against 
the proposed concession had been brought to the Hospital, 

TEMP. GEORGE III., 1800-1820 253 

and pressure put on the boys to sign it. A special meeting 
of governors was thereupon summoned, and a committee of 
enquiry directed, who duly reported that tliere was not the 
slightest foundation for the statements thus made, and the 
Board resolved unanimously that the publications were 
false and scandalous, and tending to bring into disrepute 
this most valuable institution, and to mislead Parliament 
upon this momentous question, and they ordered this 
resolution to be published in the Correspondent, The Patriot, 
Saunder's Newsletter, and The Hibernian Journal. 

Our Lord Mayor Chairmen from 180 r to the end of 
George III.'s reign, were : — 


I Charles Thorpe. 

1810-11 Nathaniel Hone. 


2 Richard Manders. 

11-12 Wm. H. Archer. 


3 Jacob Poole 

12-13 Abraham B. King 


4 Henry Hutton 

13-14 John Cash. 


5 Meredith Jenkin. 

14-15 John Claudius Beres- 


6 James Vance. 

15-16 Robert Shaw, [ford 


7 Joseph Pemberton. 

16-17 Mark Bloxham. 


8 Hugh Trevor. 

17-18 John Allen. 


9 Fredeiick Darley. 

18-IQ Sir Thos. McKenny. 


10 Sir William Stamer^ 

iq-20 Sir William Stamer 






New hopes and energies awoke with the advent of a new reign, 

and our governors now resumed activity. At their first and 

full meeting in February twenty-eight boys were elected, 

though the Board had to deal and continue to deal with the 

depressing tale of claims for abatements in all their rents 

dependant on the price of agricultural produce ; but it was 

soon understood that the new King would visit Ireland next 

year, the first royal advent since William III.'s, and as 

Dublin would take chief place in the welcome, the position 

of our civic dignitaries became enhanced, and even a seat on 

the Blue Coat Board an object of ambition. Wlien, in May, 

1821, Francis Hamilton was sworn as an alderman, he at 

once politely wrote enclosing £100 for the Hospital, but his 

gift horse was looked at in the mouth, and he was curtly 

reminded that the fine was guineas, not pounds, and 

requested to send the balance forthwith. Lawyers or 

doctors similarly treated as to fees could not have done more. 

Sir William Stamer, Bart., again Lord Mayor, our chairman 

in the first year of George IV., was now succeeded by 

Abraham Bradley King, also in his second mayoralt}'. On 

him devolved the civic reception of His Majesty. He landed 

in August, 1821, at Old Dunleary, on the sickle-shaped pier 

which then formed the port, now only the coal harbour, 

thenceforth to change the place name from the Fort of 

Leary, old King of Erin, to the Town of George, Kmg of 

Great Britain and Ireland. On the 17th he entered the city 

in state. The Lord Mayor, who received him with all the 

honours, was already a notable, for, when previously Lord 

TEMP. GEORGE IV. 1820-1830 


Mayor in 1813,- he had fought for and won for Dubhn the 
privilege, till then enjoyed only by London, of presenting 
petitions to the House of Commons by the Lord Mayor in 
person ; and in this year, 1821, he had similarly obtained for 
the city the right of addressing the Sovereign on the Throne 
through the mouth of its Chief Magistrate. Thus he now 
presented the city address to King George at the Castle, and 
received the then unprecedented distinction of being named 
a baronet by His Majesty himself. With him was Robert 
Shaw, who had been our Chairman and Lord Mayor in 18 15. 
He, too, was a notable, Colonel of the Dublin MiUtia, Member 
for Dublin in the Imperial Parliament from 1804, a position 
he held to 1826 ; and he, too, received a baronetcy on this 
memorable day, in which honour he was followed by his two 
sons successively, Sir Robert and Sii Frederick Shaw, the 
brilliant member for the University, and Recorder of Dublin 
for eight and forty years. On the 23rd the King was enter- 
tained at a splendid banquet in the Mansion House, for 
which the great Rotunda had been specially and rapidly 
constructed in the gardens of the House, and which is still a 
striking feature in the city as a centre of the civic hospitality. 
To complete this tale of honours, Kingston James, our 
chairman and Lord Maj^or in the following year, was knighted 
by the Marquess Wellesley, and two years after received a 
baronetcy, gi\^ng us four of that dignity on the Blue Coat 

But, though keen to take part in symposia themselves, 
our governors showed little sympathy with the festivities of 
our boys. In April Alderman Trevor informed the Board he 
had been told, as if of a scandal, that plays had been per- 
formed in the dining hall by the boys, and submitted " the 
impropriety of such like." It is curious that our chaplain, 
Allan Morgan, was now attending all the meetings as a 
governor, and was present then, so that he was presumably 
cognizant of the practice. But the governors virtuously and 
uanimously condemned " anything like theatrical per- 
formances within the walls as highly improper," and, calling 
in Dalton, the acting schoolmaster, peremptorily commanded 


him to suppress the malpractices. They might have done 
better had they adopted the usage of the great pubhc 
schools of England, which tends to enlarge the classical taste 
and elevate the theatrical instinct ; where, at the great anni- 
versaries, the boys perform the splendid exemplars of 
vSophocles, Aeschylus, and Euiipides, rehearsed throughout 
the term, and in the presence of Old Boys, now statesmen 
and soldiers, and the beautiful mothers and sisters of the 
lads. But it would seem that at this time the discipline of 
the School had got somewhat out of hand, probably owing to 
the mistake of placing the chaplain on the Board. Nominally 
" Head " of the School, he was the chief and the responsible 
officer ; but it is always a delicate thing, and sometimes 
impracticable, to treat a colleague as a subordinate, or freely 
to criticise his action in his presence. Mr. Morgan had been 
chosen a governor eight years before ; he constantly attended 
the meetings, and this, apparently, was followed by a devolution 
of the chief duties of Schoolmaster on his subordinate, 
Mr. Dal ton, whom the boys, who are very keen in such 
matters, well knew was not their real Head. So far back as 
1813, just after the chaplain joined the Board, eight bo3^s 
wrote to Surgeon Leake complaining of Dalton's sev^ere 
chastisements and injustice. Leake brought the letter 
before the Board, on which he, too, had a seat. With this 
letter was read a statement of Dalton's suggesting new 
regulations. Twenty-six governors were present, including 
Leake and Morgan. Then the eight complainants weie 
called in and minutely examined, and then the two senior 
boys were similarly questioned. Finally Mr. Dalton was 
heard. When these had withdrawn, and after conference, it 
was proposed " that the Board do approve the conduct of 
Mr. Dalton, the Master." An amendment was moved to add 
the words " except in having used an instrument called 
a Cat, contrary to the directions of the Board." This 
amendment was voted on and lost, but only on a division, 
and the original resolution of approval was carried with the 
same divergence of opinion. It is not stated what the 
numbers were, but the want of unanimity, we may be sure, 

TEMP. GEORGE IV., 1820-18J0 257 

became known in the School, and that not to the strengthening 
of Dalton's authority. And so, in 1823, we have a recrudes- 
cence of disorder. In July the Lord IMayor, John Smith 
Fleming, called a special meeting to consider a letter of 
I\Ir. Dalton statmg that the boys had got into a state of 
msubordination, and had been guilty of such misconduct 
lately that he had asked for this meeting with the view of 
adopting a plan to restore order. The governors took the 
matter up serioush', and diiected a strong committee to sit 
from da}^ to day and report as to the steps necessary to 
restore order and " prevent a repetition of such misconduct 
(as is alleged) in future." The full and able report which 
followed finds " that a spirit of party and consequent 
insubordination, originating in the peculiar circumstances 
now unfortunately connected with the anniversary of the 
Battle of the Boyne, did exist among the pupils on the 12th, 
13th, and 14th July, and that this arose from a partial 
compliance with the wishes of the pupils, on Mr. Dalton's 
part, which the committee considers was highly injudicious, 
as it ought to have been either entire or unreserved or 
altogether withheld." But it is clear from this report that the 
root of disorder was in the want of harmony and true co- 
operation between Mr. Morgan, whom they style chaplain 
and Head Master, and Dalton, whom they style " the 
Schoolmaster," and the delegation to the latter of the direct 
control of the boys, both in school, at meals, and play hours ; 
for they find that the resistance to Mr. Dalton's authority is 
not, as alleged by him, attributable to the supposed inter- 
course of the boys with the chaplain's servants, but to the 
injudicious course taken in respect of the celebration of 
12th July, and to other causes affecting the general welfare 
of the School ; and, especially, to the too free intercourse with 
strangers and with their parents and friends. They find 
further that Mr. Dalton on the 15th July introduced into the 
Schools and Infirmary a clerical gentleman unknown to the 
other officers of the house, who admonished the pupils on the 
recent occurrences, therein performing a duty which 
peculiarly belonged to jNIr. Morgan, and which he had never 



neglected, having discharged it on this occasion with the best 
effects ; and that, in this instance, Mr. Dalton has failed in 
that respect and deference due to Mr. Morgan, as Chaplain 
and Head Master of the School. Whilst acknowledging that 
Mr. Dalton's scholastic duties are efficiently and creditably 
discharged, they find that he has not sufficiently carried out 
the conditions of continuously attending at meals, play 
hours, and dormitories on which his salary had been raised 
in 1820. As to this, Dalton pleaded that he had fulfilled 
these conditions in the spirit if not in the letter, but that he 
would consider himself degraded, and would not be held in 
respect by the pupils, should he mix with them durmg play 
hours. This plea sounds strangely in these times, when one 
of the first qualifications of a master in a public school is 
to lead the boys at cricket or football ; but the views of the 
committee would seem to condemn poor Dalton to an 
indentured slavery, not only to teach but to attend the boys 
in all the hours till he saw them safe in bed each night. But 
theie is a further finding, " tliat, in punishing a boy for 
presumed disobedience, he struck him violently with his 
clenched fist, and therein evinced a want of temper and sound 
discretion, unsuited to his official station and character.'' 
A usage of Mr. Dalton's is also condemned, that of allowing 
the senior boys, who assist him in the school, to leave at 4 
o'clock and to take private tuitions in the city until 

The strange thing which strikes us in this stern report is the 
absence of any reference to the permission of all tliat is thus 
deemed blameworthy by the chiefly responsible officer, 
the chaplain and headmaster, who, we must presume either 
had not disapproved or had failed to report to the Boa rd of 
which he was a member. But then he was at once a colleague 
and chief salaried official. 

This report came before the governors in August. They 
adopted it, and voted accordingly that all boys above fifteen 
should provide themselves with situations forthwith. This 
points to the disorders having been fomented by the senior 
boys, and to the permission given them to take tuition 

TEMP. GEORGE IV., 1820-1830 259 

outside. They recommended that an iishef should be 
appointed to assist the schoolmaster ; but, thirdly, they 
resolved " that, in the opinion of the Board, ]\Ir. Dalton had 
failed in the discharge of those duties foi which he had 
received the augmentation of his salary, and that he has 
evinced a temper and disposition, such as will compel the 
Board to interfere, in a more decisive manner, to remedy the 
e\-ils, unless Mr. Dalton by his future conduct shall render it 
unnecessary." This was indeed an application of the Cat to 
poor Dalton himself ; if the reprimand stood it would have 
enforced his resignation or destro3'^ed his influence with the 
boys for ever ; but gentler counsels prevailed. It was felt 
that, in supporting the report of their Committee so 
drastically, the governors had gone too far. At the October 
meeting the committee were invited to reconsider the 
subject, with the hope they could make such amicable 
arrangements as would prevent recurrence of such troubles ; 
and, in November, the Board without dissent resolved that, 
whilst highly sensible of the meritorious exertions of their 
committee of inquiry on Mr. Dalton's statements, they felt 
that, as haimony and discipline were now again restoied, and 
as testimony had been given to the Board that had not been 
before the committee and which had a favourable bearing 
towards Mr. Dalton, they directed that the report of the 
committee and all proceedings had thereon should be 
rescinded, and rescinded they were accordingly. Richard 
Smyth, Lord Mayor, presided at this meeting ; with him sat 
the Bisiiop of Ossory, Dr. Robert Fowler, who had been long 
on the Board when Archdeacon of Dublin, and several of the 
governors who liad taken part in the reprimand of August. 
It were pity indeed had this reprimand stood, for William 
Dalton had for long years been a devoted servant. In his 
History of Dublin, Whitelaw, who had been one of the 
Education Commissioners, writing in 1817, speaks of him as 
the Mathematical Master of most unwearied assiduity, wht), 
himself educated at the School, was thus making the most 
honourable return to the protectors of his youth. He 
remarks that Dalton received ;/^20 a year in addition to his 


salary of £i8o from the Guild of Merchants as Mathematical 
teacher ; and recommends the opulent Corporation to 
furnish him with the scientific instruments of which it is 
noted the School was then destitute.^ 

This eirenicon was probably promoted by Mr. Sutton, wlio, 
as Master of the Trinity Guild, was one of the governors, for 
he best knew Dalton's work ; and he now brought forward an 
invitation from the Master and Wardens to the boys to 
attend at their Hall on Wellington Quay on Holy Eve, and 
partake of cake and wine, they not having had their usual 
Feast of Cake and Wine on Trinity Eve, and the invitation 
was gratefully accepted by the Board. 

It is noticeable that when the governors rescinded the 
resolution of reprimand a notice was given by Alderman 
Archer to move that a letter be written to the Chaplain, 
Mr. Morgan, and to Dr. Harty, asking their resignation as 
governors, for the evils of divided authorit}^ and the incon- 
venience of even the best officials being their own employers 
had now been seen. The motion, however, was not persevered 
ni. It is one thing to unwisely appomt ; it is another to undo 
the unwisdom, without injustice, when a removable has been 
made irremovable as a rector or a judge. 

In 1827 the Catholic Emancipation Bill was becoming" a 
burning question, not merely of Irish, but of imperial politics. 
The atmosphere was surcharged with its electricity, for the 
opposition was now boldly militant, led here by the Arch- 
bishop of Dublin, Dr. Magee. A great scholar and a great 
divine, he had been a Fellow of T.C.D. ; but he was a 
statesman too, the intimate of Plunket and the notables of 
the time ; but if a divine, he was not a diviner, for he believed 
that the reformation was now only beginning in Ireland, thus 
thinking from the vast growth of the Evangelical revival 
through the kingdom and the new movement foi teaching 
the Irish in their old language, which was still that of the 
majority in many counties whence it has long since dis- 
appeared. As a preacher it was said he equalled Dean 
Kirwan as a born orator, with the difference that his sermons,, 

i_Whitela\v's History of Dublin, by Walsh, p. S7-- 

TEMP. GEORGE IV., 1820-1830 261 

when printed, justified their reputation. - The Archbishop 
was now in the field. One of his measures was to assemble 
the children of all church schools of Dublin in St. Patrick's 
Cathedral, to which they were to march through the streets 
on the King's Coronation Day. 19th July. Of these schools 
the Blue Coat stood first as the school of the Corporation, and 
the oldest foundation. On the 17th the Archbishop came to 
the Board of which he was a governor, Samuel Tvndall, Lord 
Ma3'or, in the chair, and moved tliat the boys be permitted 
to proceed in procession to the cathedral with the children of 
the other institutions of the city, and this was unanimously 
agreed to. The report of this design roused to fury the 
promoters of the Bill, and their press overflowed with 
denunciations. Sir George Murra5% Commander of the 
Forces in Ireland, recoiled, and refused to allow the Hibernian 
boys to attend, on the pretext that their school was not a 
charity ; and the Protestant orphans were also held back. 
But the Archbishop, with all the rest, moved on. Marquess 
Wellesley, the Lord Lieutenant, rode in the procession, for 
which, of course, he was duly abused ; but the people in the 
streets, despite the newspapers, took the scene good- 
humouredly, and the great demonstration went off with 
eclat. Next year the Archbishop repeated the ceremonial, 
but the cause of the Bill had largely advanced, for O.'Connell 
was returned for Parliament at the Clare Election ; so, when 
the Archbishop came down to our Board in April and 
renewed his proposal, there was a large attendance of thirt}''- 
one governors, and an amendment suggested that the Blue 
Coat boys, whose orange and blue uniforms made them 
the most obnoxious to the opponents, should not join the 
procession but go apart to the cathedral and to a gallery of 
their own. These more cautious counsels, however, did not 
prevail, and the Archbishop carried his full project by two 
to one. The result was similar to that of the preceding year. 
Next year the Emancipation Act passed, for the Duke of 
Wellington and Peel had bent before the storm ; but the 
Archbishop did not bend. At a meeting of thirty-two 

- Dr. Ball's Reformed Church in Ireland, 276. 


governors in June, Alexander Montgomery, Lord Mayor, in 
the chair, he carried his motion that the boys should go in 
procession in manner as in last year, and this time there was 
no dissent. But this time, too, the opposition was even 
fiercer than before. The denunciations in their press were so 
vehement that it was thought they were intended to inflame 
the mob to attack the children in the streets. The procession, 
notwithstanding, was organized on even a larger scale than 
before. On Wednesday, 17th July, five thousand children, 
including the Blue Coats, marched through the city with 
flags and banners flying, to the cathedral, where two high 
thrones were erected, one for the Lord Lieutenant, Hugh 
Percy, third Duke of Northumberland, the other for the 
Archbishop himself. Then the five thousand, with full 
consent, raised their young cheerful voices in the Old 
Hundreth Psalm. Handel's great Coronation Anthem was 
sung by the choir, and his Hallelujah Chorus at the close ; 
and all passed off in peace. Despite the press, whose 
bitterness had been specially aimed at the Blue Coat boys, 
the populace looked quietly on, for our dear Dublin folk have 
always had an innate sympathy with pageants, and some 
oven cheered the marching youngsters. 

At the same June meeting our governors were called on 
to elect a new registrar in the room of ]\Ir. Hart, who had just 
died, and ]\Ir. Addison Hone was chosen. Yet even this 
within-doors affair was drawn into the political tide outside, 
for at the preceding City Assembly there was tumult and 
strife. The Commons renewed the claim made b}^ Charles 
Lucas eighty years before, and which was supposed to have 
been set at rest by the Act of 1761, that all members of the 
Corporation were entitled to be governors of King's Hospital 
under the charter, and therefore entitled to vote for the new 
registrar. But the claim again proved futile. Mr. Hone was 
elected unanimously, and worthily held office for the next 
thirty years. This office has been remarkable in the long 
tenures its holders have enjoyed. Mr. Hart, his predecessor, 
was appointed in June, 1794, and served for thirty-five years. 
Bartholomew Wybrants for thirty-six ; and our present 

TEMP. GEORGE IV., 1820-1830 263 

popular registrar, Mr. G. R. Armstrong, who succeeded to 
the office in June, 1876, is now (1906) in the thirtieth year of 
his tenure. Robert Hart was at the time deeply regretted, 
and his services had, as we have seen, been warmly com- 
mended by the first Education Commissioners twenty j^ears 
before, and for a long time he discharged his duties faithfully 
but it might have been better had this public eulogy not been 
expressed, for it led to everything being left in his hands, 
unchecked and unsupervised. It is painful to find that his 
accounts at his death were in great disorder. The municipal 
commission of 1835, on whose work the Corporation Act of 
1840 was based, reported that in Hart's time the funds of the 
Hospital were misapplied.^ This is quoted by the Endowed 
Schools Commission of 1858 in their summaiy of the Blue 
Coat property and the losses sustained by negligence and by 
permitting the statute of limitations to run. The mode of 
keeping the accounts from 1818 to 1826 is condemned, when 
all, as it was said, was left to Hart. 

This evil remissness, we may well suppose, was encouraged 
by the already noticed laxity allowed to Allan Morgan, the 
chaplain and head master, on whose headship so much 
depended. A governor himself, he was chaplain to several 
Lord Lieutenants successively, and took his scholastic duties 
somewhat lightl}^ He seems to have been permitted to 
relinquish them altogether ; for, when it was suggested by 
the Education Commissioners in 1810 that the union of the 
offices of chaplain and head master should be insisted on, it 
was said that this should in fairness be deferred to the next 
vacancy, as Mr. Morgan had so long acted as chaplain only ; 
yet the minute on his original appointment in 1784 is decisive, 
showing that he was then called in and expressly appointed 
to the double duty. But, like his father, whom he then 
succeeded, he had many lofty friends outside the Board. 
He was the frequent guest of Lord Moira, afterwards 
Marquess of Hastings, at Moira House, then a chief social 
centre in Dublin, though now sunk from its high estate to 
become the Mendicity on Usher's Quay. This socral prestige 

■-Reports, 185, VoL I., p. 149. 


probably led to the governors making him a colleague and 
giving him too free a hand. His high friends stood to him to 
the last. Through the influence of Lord Forbes he was 
appointed Dean of Killaloe in 1828, whilst still holding our 
chaplaincy, but died two years after, just when George the 
Fourth's reign ceased, on the 26th June, 1830. In one 
respect his career was unique, he was chief officer of the Blue 
Coat for forty-six years. His connection with King's 
Hospital is preserved to-day in the person of his great-grand- 
nephew, our excellent governor, Mr. William C. Stubbs. 

Our Lord Mayor chairmen in George the Fourth's reign 
were : — 

1820-21 Sir Abraham Bradley 1824-25 Dniry Jones. 

King, Bart. 25- b Thomas Abbott. 

21- 2 Sir John Kingston 26- 7 Samuel W. Tyndall. 

James^ Bart. 27- 8 Sir Edmund Nugent, 

22- 3 Jolin Smyth Fleming 28- 9 Alexander Montgomery 

23- 4 Richard Smyth. 20-30 Jacob West. 

[ 265 ] 




The first act of the Board in the new reign was again to 
reunite the offices of chaplain and head master in the person 
of the Rev. James Walker King. He was an able and 
accomplished man, but he was the son and heir of the late 
chairman, Sir Abraham Biadley, and he was himself chaplain 
to the new Lord Lieutenant, Marquess of Angiesea ; and the 
position on the Board of his father, who was a magnate, his 
own interests outside, and the poor example of Allan 
Morgan's long headship did not contribute to the zeal and 
devotion essential in the chief of a public school. In 1834 he 
married, and this did not attach him more closely to dull 
routine : he occasionally examined the senior boys, but 
seems to have left the strain of teaching to Dalton, and 
matters of discipline mainly to Mr. Hone, the registrar. 
Then, in 1836, he resigned, and two years after succeeded to 
his father's baronetcy, and his son is the present baronet, 
Sir Charles Simeon King, of Corrard, Fermanagh, which his 
ancestors had possessed from Charles L's time ; they were 
kinsmen of the great Archbishop, to whom, as w^e have seen, 
our King's Hospital owes so much. 

In the early thirties our governors were much occupied 
in enforcing their claims on Cappoloughlin mentioned 
above, and the tale unfolds a romance of the nwsteries 
of Chancery beside which Jamdyce v. Jarndyce shrinks, 
acquitting the genius of Dickens of all overstatement of 
the cause celebrc by which he wrought reforms which 
the world had long sought vainly from jurists or judges. 


Even old lawyers, not merely of to-day, but those engaged 
in such causes themselves, could hardly tell how they 
could last for generations without doing anything, or 
anything but evil ; for they had begun often generations 
before the counsel or Lord Chancellor of the day had been 
born. And as in this instance King's Hospital stood 
defrauded for years and years, and the scandal has not 
been hitherto disclosed, the scarce credible story must be 
recorded here. 

It has been already told how the Education Commissioners 
in their report of 1810' had included in the Blue Coat 
endowments an annuity of ;^20 granted by our old founder 
John Preston in 1686, and how their inquiry, held on 
other schools, disclosed that Preston's grant had given his 
estate of Cappoloughhn, 739 acres in Queen's County, on an 
educational trust for ever. The rental was then only £80 
yearly, for those were the days of the Revolution. Of this 
£80, £35 was to pay a schoolmaster in Navan, to be named by 
his heirs ; {25, similarly, for one in Ballyroan; and one-fourth, 
or £20, to the Blue Coat governors ; but, if the rental shoirld 
increase, the surplus was to be divided between these schools 
as his heirs and trustees should determine. The Commissioners 
in a second report informed the Lord Lieutenant that 
Cappoloughlin, with a rental now of £1,400 a year, was in 
Chancery, and had been the subject of gross mismanagement 
and abuses. Thereupon, in 1813, a statute (53 Geo. III., 
c. 107) created a great commission, long known as the Clare 
Street Commissioners of Education — ^the Lord Chancellor, 
the Archbishops, Provost, bishops, and magnates many, 
armed with the most drastic power over endowed schools ; 
it specially named the Preston foundations, and declared the 
right of the Blire Coat to one-fourth of the Cappoloughlin 

But it needed a stronger Act to loosen the Chancery 
clutches. With all their powers the Commissioners must 
await the final decree in the Attorney-General v. Preston, 
though that might linger to the judgment of all things ; and 

1 Chapter XIII. 


yet they might hope, for was not Lord Manners the Chan- 
cellor and chief in the Commission himself ? The suit was 
indeed then dead, but awaiting resurrection from the limbo 
of an abatement. So, in 1816. Attorney-General Saurin, 
on the relation of the Commissioners, filed a Bill of Review 
which sets forth the shameful and sordid story. It recites 
Alderman Preston's deed, and how his four trustees and the 
heirs of their survivors, and his own heir male and heir 
general for ever were to manage Cappoloughlin and the 
schools, his heirs to nominate the schoolmasters in Navan 
and Ballyroan. The trusts were to begin on the death of his 
widow, and no one knew when that was ; but in 1735 the 
Attorney- General v. Edwards, the original cause, brought 
estate and tiusts into the iron giasp of Chancery, and asked 
to have the trusts carried out. These were simple enough ; 
if it were to-day, a careful scheme could be at once submitted 
to the Court and adopted at a moderate expense. But, to 
follow the sorry sequel, one must recall the noble principles of 
equity on which this suit was framed. One was the golden 
lule that everyone, no matter how bare or unsubstantial his 
interest in the cause, must be a party to it, and that no step, 
however formal, could ever be taken unless all were present 
to see equity done. Another was that if any one of all these 
parties died, the cause in sympathy died with him, and so 
lay dead till revived by a new bill telling the story all over 
again. So this Attorney-General v. Edwards made defendants 
Hugh Edwards and I\Trs. Margaret Faviere and her husband 
John, representing the co-heiresses of David Cairns, the last 
of John Preston's four trustees of 1686, and Mrs. Mary 
Ludlow and her husband Peter, for she was Preston's heiress 
at law, and the golden theory required that husbands must 
be present to protect the rights of their ladies, though these 
were nil ; and with these were John Preston of Bellinter. now 
heir male, who, with his tenant defendant, Fysher, were 
enjoying Cappoloughlin in breach of the trusts. In 1737 
Lord Wyndham made his seemingly simple decree to carry 
out the trusts, and directing that the heirs and trustees 
should lay a scheme before the master, and that Mr. Preston 


should give an account of the estate since old Mr. Preston's 
death. But we are now naively told that " before am^^thing 
was done under the decree Mr. Edwards died and with him 
the cause, though this descendant of a long dead trustee, who 
had never acted, had, perhaps, never even heard of Cappo- 
loughlin till dragged into a suit he had no concern in. Equity 
had then, as now, the power to appoint trustees of its own 
when the legal trustees were not available, but another 
golden rule forbade that this should be done till, at any cost, 
the heirs of the last trustee should be found, though he might, 
when found, prove to be a pauper, a fool, or a felon. So the 
suit was revived, and a full new decree was made against 
Hugh Edwards' heirs, three little girl minors, Olivia, Jane, 
and Elizabeth, who were gravely commanded to carry out 
the trusts. Thus time sped over, and other defendants died, 
and again we are naively told that many new bills of revivor 
were filed " as deaths of the parties required." Pending 
these, nothing was done, save that Cappoloughlin was 
" administered " by the Court, every new letting being 
attended by all the parties to see justice done, all being 
allov/ed their costs. 

Thus we come to 1758, when the suit was only twenty- 
three years old, and a new Attorney-General revived it, 
asking that Mr. Preston and his tenant should be ordered to 
give up Cappoloughlin, whither they had retired in the years 
of suspended animation; but new heirs were now 
indispensable parties, for Olivia Edwards had grown 
up and was now Lady Rosse, and, with her 
husband, Earl Richard, and Faviere's son, were 
now the heirs of the old dead trustee Cairns. 
Mrs. Ludlow, John Preston's heir when the suit began, was 
now represented by her son. Lord Ludlow. But this new 
suit lingered and broke down, the Evil One knows why. 
Lord and Lady Rosse and her maiden sisters, Jane and 
Elizabeth, now renounced any share in the fraudful game, 
and it was only in 1773 the cause was again fully heard, when 
the Chancellor, Lord Lifford, solemnly decreed that Lady 
Rosse and her sisters should be discharged, and that all the 


remaining heirs and trustees should be at hberty to lay a 
scheme before the Master in Chancery exactly as had been 
ordered in vain b}'- Lord Wyndham only thirty-five years 

The case then was with Master Walker for two years, and, 
on his reports, emerged before the Chancellor in 1776 for 
another perfect decree, which ordered Lady Rosse and her 
sisteis to convey Cappoloughlin to a body of trustees well 
chosen by the Master, including, with the remaining heirs, 
three bishops, a Fellow of Trinity College, and Lord Dawson 
of Portarlington. It directed £^4^ a year to be allocated to 
the schoolmasters of Navan and Ballyroan when these should 
be appointed, but reserved further action till the heirs should 
decide whether they wished to exercise their powers of 
appointing the schoolmasters, though all of them were then 
before the Court. This order, however, looked too much like 
business ; so it was found when the ladies came to assign the 
estate to the new trustees, that though prepared at great 
cost, the name of Lord Dawson, now become Lord Carlow, 
who had nothing to do with Cappoloughlin, had been 
omitted. A new decree must be obtained from the Chancellor 
to remedy this fatal defect ; and as it now transpired that 
there were no school buildings or homes for the masters 
either in Navan or Ballyroan, this last decree again ordered 
a scheme to be proposed for these and laid before the Court. 

It would seem that, after this, upon the next death, the 
dead suit was allowed to lie dead. Possibly when Lord Clare 
w-as Chancellor the ring of delinquents dared not let the case 
come before one who would have stamped out the iniquity 
instanter. For here a deeper dark settles on the lurid drama, 
which the discoveries of the Clare Street Commissioners in 
1816 only partially dispel. Attorney-General Sauiin's 
reviving bill, however, tells such unbelieveable things as that 
the conveyance of Cappoloughlin to the new trustees ordered 
by Lord Lifford in 1777 had never been even executed, and 
no schoolhouses had yet been built ; and that meanwhile two 
receivers, who as officers of the Court had the estate in hands, 
had successively put the rents into their pockets, the loot of 


Mr. John Joner reaching ;£2,ooo, followed by that of Mr. 
Mark M'Causland, being £i;500 more. The Court, which, 
like a silly pedigreeist, had been spending years and hundreds 
in hunting after the heirs of the dead, who had never the 
slightest interest in the case, never seems to have made 
inquiiy after these brigands or the sureties answerable for 
their defaults. Further it was found that Preston's heir-at- 
law, who had become Lord Tara, had somehow been paid out of 
Court for years, the salaries allocated to the two schoolmasters, 
amounting to £175 yearly, and in 1794 had nominated his 
brother, the Rev. Joseph Preston, as schoolmaster, both in 
Navan and Ballyroan, the latter being forty miles from his 
reverence's home. Tliis gentleman, it was averred, had only 
been in tlie schools some seven times in as many years, and, 
whilst appropriating the salaries, had named poor ushers as 
deputies at starvmg wages. Meanwhile Cappoloughlin, re-let 
in 1807 at the war rents, yielded nearly £6,000 in four yeais, 
of which more than half was devoured in costs and expenses. 
The Commissioners further told that in 181 3 they had, under 
the powers of their Act, turned out the Reverend Joseph from 
the mastership of Cavan, there being then only two children 
in the school of the High Court of Chancery. He had 
voluntarily resigned Ballyroan six years before, when the old 
Commission was on the trail, but his brother. Lord Tara, 
appointed one Hamilton deputy instead, and he, too, never 
entered the walls. The Commissioners then resolved on a 
large effective meicantile school, but here Lord Tara again 
stepped in and, as Chancery nominator, named Rev. Alex. 
Frankin, who, being required by the Commissioners to 
discharge the duties, admitting his disability, resigned ; and 
one M'Loughlin. named by Lord Tara instead, at the new 
salary of £150, was found to be one of the old ushers at fi^ 
a year, and was disallowed by the Commissioners as wliolly 

It is refreshing to read that one at least of these hereditary 
trustees now refused to act further with the Chancery gang. 
The reverend defendant, Joseph Favicre, one of the heirs of 
Cairns, the last trustee, did so because he wished the trusts 


to be left wholly to the Commissioners, who, winding up with 
the statement that both schools are in ruins, pray the Lord 
Chancellor to discharge Tara as nominator, to vest Cappo- 
loughlin in themselves, and allow them to execute theii 
statutory duties. 

But that would have stopped the cause, and the pleasant 
little parties in the Master's office whenever tlie smallest 
game was afoot, and where everyone was allowed his costs, 
though nothing at all was done, since everyone must be 
there according to the golden rule, and if anyone was absent, 
though by negligence, there must be a further little party ; 
for by another, and what we may call a brazen rule, the 
Master could not disallow the costs, though he knew the 
absence to have been negligent. This amazing impotence 
was only remedied by statute in the fourth year of George IV., 
the partial reform being perhaps partly due to the scandals 
of this very case. 

So answers were filed by Lord Tara and otlicrs, fi\'e-barred 
gates and wiie entanglements to prevent the capture of the 
Fortress of Fraud. Tara pleaded his sacred rights as 
Alderman Preston's heir male, and that his co-defendant, 
Earl Ludlow, heir general, had always joined in liis 
nominations of the schoolmasters, which, he sa3^s, had always 
been sanctioned by the Court. Ludlow lived in England and 
probably didn't even know where Ballyroan was, but he also 
aided his kinsmen, putting in a similar answer. As to the 
abuses charged they were discreetly silent. Then there were 
replications and rejoinders, and the suit trailed on like a 
slim}'- boa-constrictor till, nearly four years after the 
Commissioners had intervened, it came before Lord ^Manners 
for what was now hoped would be the final hearing. 

In January, 1820, His Lordship did indeed decree that the 
estates should be conveyed to the Commissioners, but, with 
the appalling facts all before him, the prayer to displace Tara 
and Ludlow as nominators \\as dismissed with costs ; all 
parties w-ere to have their costs out of Cappoloughlin, and 
the cause was to stand over — for what ? — to ascertain who 
were the heirs of David Cairns, the last trustee of the deed 


of one hundred and thirty years before, and who himself had - 
never hved to act. But next year, again before anything 
was done, Lord Tara died, and with him the cause ; but his 
brother, the Reveiend Joseph, was now his heir and lieir 
male of Alderman Pieston, and so the boa-constrictor, 
scotched, not killed, must be galvanised, and the suit 
recom.menced against that exemplary clergy^man. 

But the barbed wires and five-barred gates were again 
erected by him. His answer reads as a delightful sample of 
subtle irony. As to the ruined school buildings, the 
nicompetent masters, the paucity of scholars, without 
admitting the facts, he pleads that, if these be true, they weie 
all the work of the Court itself, with whom lay the 
administration of all, and if enough money was not allowed, 
surely the Court and not he or his brother was to blame. 
As to the several abortive decrees of successive Chancellors, 
he had no information, but would refer His Lordship to the 
files of his own Court, where he could find it all himself. 
Did the Loid Chancellor wince at this ? Surely Charles 
Dickens could scarce have beaten it ! But as to the future 
nominations, he relies on his rights as heir of the Founder, 
which he is quite prepared, he says, to exercise. 

So after a modest delay of three more years the case came 
again before Lord Manners in June, 1824. Surely now 
there must be an end. The decree is indeed a mighty one. 
It fills thirty-two immense folio pages in our Record Office, 
closely written, and would, if spun out like the cause itself, 
have reached a furlong. In the first thirty-one pages it 
rehearses all that we have hitherto told ; the last half page 
contains His Lordship's wise decision on it all. 

One would like to ask all the judges to guess what this 
long sought judgment was. They couldn't. It sublimely 
directs an inquiry — In whom the right of nomination of 
masters to Navan and Bally roan rests, and who are the heirs 
of David Cairns, the last trustee of 1686 ! 

The scandal is enhanced when we reflect how, whilst a 
century was passed in hunting for the phantoms of a 
phantom, the heirs of an old trustee, on the golden rule that 


all interests must be represented, nobody, of all the Chan- 
cellois. Masters, Attorney-Generals, or solicitors, ever thought 
it right to give notice to the Blue Coat governors of their 
interest in the estate, in their ignorance of which they 
accepted for two generations the 3'early pittance of £20, 
whilst the surplus rents, of which they should have had a 
full fourth, were lavished on a futile litigation. 

The mountain was in labour ; this ridiculous mouse 
emerged. Reading the reams of recital one might think the 
Chancellor had tired before he came to his judgment, like 
the little Dutchman who, wanting to win momentum to 
jump a fence, took a mile to run at it, but, just as he reached 
it, lay down fatigued before he could rise to spring. The 
inquiries he directed had been made and answered to his 
predecessor eighty-seven years before,the pedigree of heirship 
had been represented ever since, and the then heirs were 
there before him ; but certainty must be more certain, for 
was not the golden rule that the wish of the pious founder 
that his trustees for ever should manage his bounty far more 
sacred than that his bounty itself should go according to his 
wish for the training of the children upon his estate ? So 
the ghost of David Cairns must again be captured. It is hard 
to forbear surmise that the Chancellor was jealous of the 
statute that gave commissioners the control of trusts that 
were vested in himself, and shrank from the just condemna- 
tion of their discharge by his Court ; and yet he was himself, 
as has been said, one of the leading Commissioners, and thus 
doubly a trustee of the very first magnitude. 

So the boa-constrictor trailed on once more ; three years 
elapsed before Master Ellis reported what everyone knew; 
after telling all about Hugh Edwards and Lady Rosse and 
her infant sisters, he declared the Reverend Joseph the true 
nominator of schoolmasters, and Rev. Joseph Eaviere to be 
the heir or ghost of David Cairns. 

And thus it might have trailed to the crack of doom. 
During all this sordid lapse the Commissioners, annually 
reporting to the Lord Lieutenant, told how they were 
hopefuUv awaiting a final decree, or that it scarcely can 



be much longer deferred. Through all tlie dreary time the 
Blue Coat had been basely defrauded. The governors seem 
never to have seen John Preston's grant, until they learned 
from the old Commission of their right to the surplus of 
Cappoloughhn. When this was declared by the statute of 
1813, their fourth share was found to be £362 yearly, and 
that was actually paid them, by the Clare Street Conmiission 
for 1812 and 1813, but after Attorney-General v. Lord 
Tara the payments became intermittent and scant, the 
apology being always " the cause and the costs." l^ut 
in 1831 our board grew angry. John Claudius Beresford, 
who was still one of our governors, and possessed the grit 
of his gallant race, attacked the Clare Street Commissioners 
themselves, boldly suggesting that they were battling us. 
And, indeed, here again it is hard to avoid surmising that 
their law^'eis had entered the vicious circle in Chancery 
which was grinding the estate to costly powder without 
moving it an inch towards the door. They pleaded to the 
demand of a settlement, that the receivers' last account 
must first be passed, and that the final decree was expected 
daily. But Beresford declining to submit to any further 
delay, a King's Counsel was appointed arbitrator, and he 
awarded in 1833, £1,460 due to the Hospital after all 
deductions, though but for the costs our arrears were then 
nearly £5,000. 

How the boa-constrictor actually died is somewhat 
misty. We cannot find a final decree in the Record Office, 
but we know that the Clare Street Commissioners reported 
to Government in 1834, ^^^^.t the great cause was at last 
ended, adding as their pathetic requiem—" after exactly 
Ninety-nine Years." 

Ninety-nine years doing nothing but mischief ; debasing 
the great court, whose proud boast is to be the King's royal 
guardian of charities and trusts, into an instrument of 
chicane, rifling the charitv with breaches of trust of the 
grossest. Fraudulent trustees now earn penal sen'itude 
for far less rapine than this, our Jarndyce v. Jarndyce, 
discloses. To those who ask how these thing? could be 


the answer is " The system and routine." The judge only 
decided on what was laid before him at long intervals on 
the Masters' reports. The blaster only decided what 
the jxirties brought before him from time to time, and the 
lawyers worked on from term to term, changing often, 
and nobod}^ ever looking back on the past. And yet the 
result was as bad as though all concerned, Chancellors, 
Masters, parties, lawyers, had been banded together as 
Sicilian brigands. 

The Clare Street Commissioners have long since merged 
in the Land Commission, and it is our comfort to know 
that old John Preston's annuit}/ still yields us some £140 
yearly, and to take such solace for our losses as v/e may 
from the humorous side of this comico-tragedy. John 
Claudius Beresford, who forced the falling of the curtain, 
was not a man to be trifled uith safely. Strong himself, 
he was a son of one of the strongest and perhaps then the 
most influential potentate in Ireland — the Right Hon. 
John Beresford, President of the Revenue Board, of whom 
Lord Fitzwilliam complained that he had far more power 
than the Lord Lieutenant himself. John Claudius was 
himself also a memiber of the Privy Council, but he was 
a city magnate too, and had been chairman of our Board 
when Lord Mayor in 18 14. 

Under the somewhat laisscz faire regime of Mr. King, 
discipline had gone a little out of hand. The boys had been 
allowed to go home or through the city too much as they 
pleased, with the sure consequence when such laxity exists, 
but the governors now had an invaluable addition in Dr. 
Charles Elrington, the regius professor of Divinity in the 
University. He cam^e as treasurer of the Erasmus Smith 
board, to follow in the steps of his great predecessors. 
Archbishop King and Lord Chief Justice Downes. In 
paying this tiibute, it is a pleasure to know that he is still 
represented in tlie Blue Coat, for his grandson, Frank 
Elrington Ball, the late Lord Chancellor's son, is one of our 
worthiest governors to-day. In 1835 Dr. Elrington carried 
a scheme of new rules ; these restored the controlling power 


over all in the Chaplain and Headmaster, with the sole and 
specific charge of the religious instruction ; they carefully 
guarded the system of exeats, whicli must be given in writing 
by the Headmaster or Registrar. The classes were all 
remodelled, and provision made for an usher to assist Dalton ; 
they defined the hours of roll call, when the boys rose, and 
at curfew, and they strictly required that und'^r no cir- 
cumstances or at any time should the boys be left without 
the presence of some master — "as controlling power over 
their actions." Had Mr. King remained to carry out these 
excellent reforms all might have been well, but he probably 
found them too irksome a task, for next year he left us ; 
and before they were given time to operate, the Reverend 
Fielding Quid was elected to the united office. 

This appointment was most unfortunate, for he proved 
to be deficient in all the qualities requisite in the head of 
a large public school. He failed as a teacher, whilst he was 
absolutel}^ devoid of the disciplinary faculties so essential 
to his position. He was a chronic invalid, and was con- 
tinually asking leave of absence, and the most that could 
be said for him, was that he was a blameless clergyman. 
Though now headmaster, he interpreted his duties as such 
in the light of his predecessors, Morgan and King, by 
confining his tuition to the religious teaching, only 
occasionally taking a secular class, but devolving all the 
routine instruction on Dalton, the second master, and 
Courtney, the ushei, and all disciplinary powers on these 
and Mr. Hone, the Registrar. The result was that in the 
next five years a spirit of anarchy was evoked which took 
years to allay, and which made the last lustrum under our 
old constitution domestically the most troubled of any in 
our annals. The recurrent friction might well be forgotten, 
but that it developed a saving element of humour which, 
we may hope, gave some solace to the governors who had 
to deal v/ith the troubles, and w^iich preserves for it a niclie 
in this modest narrative now. 

Had Dalton and Courtney been other than they were, 
harmony might still have endured, but though poor Dalton 


was a devoted officer, and had profited by the reprimand of 
a few years before, we have seen that he was somewhat 
lacking in tact ; he had become, however, popular with 
the boys. But Courtney, the usher, who now styled himself 
junior master, shewed one title to the name, in tliat he 
claimed, not only to be master over the boys, but to be 
master of Dalton, whose subordinate he was. Dr. 
Elrington's rules giving them a dual control over the 
pupils through all the long day, gave an occasion for strained 
relations which had not been foreseen. During King's 
headmastership peace was preserved, but when enough time 
was given to allow JMr. Quid's incapacity to transpire, the 
war bioke out. 

In December, 1837, Dalton sent to the governors a 
moderate statement, which, without any incriminating 
complaint, asked for some more clear definition _ of the 
relative duties of tlie usher and himself, as there was now 
some friction between them. Before any action was taken, 
Courtney became aware of this proceeding of Dalton 's, and 
thereupon the strain stretched to breaking point. 

In calling the roll in the school-room at seven in the 
morning, as ordered by the Elrington rules, Dalton 's usage 
was to call it twice, and any bo}^ coming in afterwards was 
asked b\' him to account for his absence. After roll the 
boys passed to their classes under Courtney. One December 
morning a boy came in after second call, and Dalton directed 
him to come over and account; but, as the school hour had 
just rung, Courtney had arrived to take up the class 
to which the belated boy belonged, and, seeing this, Dalton 
told him he might go, but this did not satisfy the usher ; 
in presence of the school, he ordered the boy not to obey 
his superior in office. This was too much, Dalton now 
commanded the boy to come forward, but Courtney cried : 
" I will not let him," and on Dalton approaching the lad 
the usher interposed, and grasped Dalton in a personal 
encounter, amid cnes of "shame" from the assembled 
school. Dalton having, as he aftei wards said — " no alter- 
native but to repel force by force or to submit to the usher's 


domination," chose the latter, merely observing, " Your 
conduct, sir, is exceedingly improper." 

One might have supposed that this was a case for the 
arbitrament of the Head Master, but no one seems to have 
even thought of appealing to Mr. Quid. Dalton wrote to the 
Loid Mayor, Samuel Warren, " as head governor and 
authorized to act in cases of emergency." But the governors 
seem to have only desired to hush the affair. Courtney had 
been appointed by them under the new rules, and would 
appear to have had some powerful influence amongst them, 
for they took his excuse that he was acting under their orders 
in taking his class, and they kindly suggested to Dalton that 
as he had now been in office thirty-three years it might be 
better for him to retire on a pension. His reply in writing is 
modest and dignified ; expressing his desire to meet the 
Board's wishes, he suggests that on the precedent in Beasley's 
case his pension of two-thirds of salary and value of his 
rooms would amount to £250 yearly. This caused the Board 
to shrink, so the}' allowed things to go on for the present, 
merely counselling peace. 

They should have known, if they were wise, that things 
could not end there. The boys had now espoused Dalton's 
cause, and openly rebelled against Courtney. The latter had, 
moreover, taken on himself the right of inflicting corporal 
punishment, and used this freely, and friction recurred in 
January ; but in February the boys, finding that Courtney's 
cane had become keener since they had cried out " shame," 
refused to go up to his night roll in the dormitories, and, 
locking themselves in the dining room, barred Courtney out. 
He did apply then to Quid, who at first vainly begged the 
boys to open the door; but, on being asked wh}^ they rebelled, 
there arose a shout, " the usher, the usher." But Dalton 
now came on the scene, and then the rebels quietly slipped 
out by the further door, and the authorities entering found 
the dining room empty and the boys gone to bed. The usher 
could not complain of Dalton in this emente, for he had 
warned the rebels in the usher's presence that they must be 
punished for disobedience. So Courtney, thinking there 


might be danger in again directly appealing to the Board, 
wrote a fierce indictment of the boys to Mr. Hone, giving the 
names of nine ringleaders whose conduct was such as no 
corporal punishment could adequately meet. " as they not 
only seem still to exult in their misconduct, but to be under 
the impression that no further notice will be taken of it, and 
tiiat the singing boys only seem to be under the displeasure 
of the governors." This allusion to the choir referred 
to a well-founded complaint that on practising night an 
unmentionable thing had been placed in the usher's seat 
in the chapel, which must have been perpetrated with the 
knowledge of all. This extreme measure of the contempt in 
which the usher was held made it impossible to allow things 
to continue as before. The inaction of the governors on the 
usher's insubordination towards his superior naturally had 
reacted in the boys' insubordination to the usher himself. 
So Courtney was relieved of his office with an apparently 
handsome testimonial ; but, as this class of literature is read 
by the wise rather for what is omitted than for what is said, 
we note that this one, whilst highly lauding Mr. Courtney's 
literary endowments, his zeal, and his moral character, is 
silent as to his temper or discretion or his qualification for 
the management of schoolboys ; but the practice of 
accelerating the departure of undesirable subordinates by 
high encomium to facilitate their employment elsewhere is 
not quite unknown even in these days. 

The Board elected to the vacant places Mr. Fenby as 
second master and Mr. Hanly as usher, but unfortunately 
leaving Mr. Ould his nominal headship. For Fenby proved 
so far worse than Courtney that he was now chief teacher, 
and thus had colour for his treatment of Hanly, his 
subordinate, whom he proceeded to discredit coram pueris. 
Mr. Ould he treated with undisguised contempt. He took 
from the usher the Scripture classes, which the chaplain 
himself had placed in Hanly's charge, prohibited his taking 
any part in the teaching of the seniors ; and, when, in his own 
necessary absence, Hanly had taken up an algebra class, by a 
message through one of the boys he obliged him to desist. 


It seems that the poor usher was the son of a shoemaker who 
had supplied the School, so, in the presence of the boys, 
Mr. Fenby produces some newly mended shoes and directs 
the poor usher to inspect them, adding " I am no judge of 
such things ; the last shoemaker was too poor to afford wax," 
and then joined in the laugh his refined pleasantry evoked ; 
boys are, alas, too ready to rejoice when any of their masters 
are put to the torture. Thus the usher's authority was for the 
time wholly undermined ; the rebellious spirit, of course, 
re-awoke, and Fenby, too, liad to face it. In December, 1838, 
he joined with Hanly in a charge of sedition against a boy, 
Hautainville, who had been one of the ringleaders against 
Mr. Courtney some months before. The Committee who 
heard tlie charge included Dr. Elrington ; they ordered that 
Hautainville should be removed fromi the institution, and 
that Mr. Quid should read the sentence next day in the full 
schoolroom. But the chaplain himself now came in, and in 
what the Committee records as a long and interesting 
conversation told them the School as at present constituted 
could not succeed in its objects ; he was directed to send a 
written report to the next Board meeting. He, however, 
had scarce withdrawn when F^enby, asking an interview, 
lodged the following counterblast. It is given in full as a 
specimen of the nadir which anarchy had now reached : — 

First — that no gentleman comiiig into a large public school 
for only one hour a day, and who is entirely unacquainted with 
the various branches of science taught in the schools, and who 
is likewise without any knowledge of the late improvements 
adopted in the government and discipline of large schools, can 
with any propriety, be considered as fully competent to be the 
head-master without serious injury and impediment to the school. 
Second. — That it is altogether impossible that the second 
master can, with any degree of consistency, take on himself to 
arrange the school on a new plan, and change its mode of 
discipline, being at \he same time interfered with by the head- 
master, a gentleman, who from his age, temper and want of 
practical experience in the tuition and management of boys, 
is altogether unfit for so important, difficult and arduous an 
undertaking. Third. — That the assistant might be placed 
under the control of the master, otherwise not being responsible 
for the state and order of the schocl he has it in his power, should 



he feel hin:self offended by the master, instead of being a useful 
auxiliary, to be an annoyance and destroj^er of the discipline 
of the school. 

This striking model of discipline the Committee simply 
ordered to stand to the ensuing meeting. 

Next day, when the school assembled to witness the 
sentence of expulsion of Hautainville, Mr. Fenby, who had 
joined in the complaint against him, walked out of the room, 
presumably to leave the odium of the execution on the 
chaplain and usher, for he was now courting the fa\-our of 
the boys, as a despot often stirs Acheron, in view of the 
pending inquiries. Thereupon a general hiss broke out from 
the boys, who, on the following Sunday, armed with stones, 
flung them at Hanly, and crying out they would have him 
out of that, followed him to his room, and, assailing the door, 
filled the lock with stones and sand. This fracas occupied the 
next Committee to the exclusion of the larger pending cases. 
The examination disclosed that the ringleaders w^re chiefly 
those who had been denounced as such by Courtney the 
year before. They admitted throwing stones, but pleaded 
it was not at Hanly but after him. One little fellow, Charles 
Bilton, was caught with a stone in his pocket, so, unable to 
deny his missile, he explained that it was not there for 
throwmg, and, as it was not flung in fact, it might be that it 
was only a stone in his sleeve to be used in the general melee 
as occasion might require. The Committee adjourned all 
the cases^till after the Christmas holidays, so of course the 
anarchy ceased not. Before the meeting in January, 1839, 
Mr. Ould had a further charge against Fenby that he had 
refused to give him a copy of the new rules — rather strange 
that the Head Master should not have a copy himself. 

At the meeting the Committee, having before them all the 
cases, Fenby v. Ould and vice versa, and Hanly v. Fenby, cam.e 
to the astounding conclusion that it did not appear necessary 
to adopt any proceedings on the above complaints, all of 
which were left in damning record on the minute books. 
It is noticeable that Dr. Flrington was not present at^any of 
the last preceding committees. 


So of course there was soon a recrudescence. One of 
the Elrington reforms directed that the boys should be 
periodically inspected by examiners from outside, a salutary 
measure, acted on ever since until the Intermediate system 
made it unnecessary. The first examanation was fixed for 
M^\^ Preparing for it in April, Mr. Quid took up one day 
Mr. Fenby's history class, and, finding it utterly ignorant, 
observed to the boys " I don't blame you." " To whom do 
you refer ? " said Fenby, who was present. Quid replied 
'•'To you, as their teacher." This scene had a sequel 

A Mr. Irvine and another examined all the School during 
two days in ]\Iay. Flis report on each class was fairly 
favourable, but contained two ominous passages. After 
praising the neatness of the boys, than whom he had seldom 
seen a more interesting set, he adds that " When the 
respective duties of each individual is properly defined, and 
so limited as to prevent the duties coming in collision, then 
may those interested in the well-being of the institution hope 
for prosperity ; " and he thus concludes, " These are 
circumstances on which I am not aware it is my duty to 
remark, but as they seem to mar the advancement of the 
School I cannot refrain from saying that they are worthy of 
the investigation of the governors, in which I would be 
happy to give any explanation as far as these things have 
com.e within my knowledge." This calm verdict of an 
outsider, ■\\hich in truth was a severe reflection on the apathy 
of the governors, at last compelled a decisive inquiry. 

This was forthwith held, and occupied two days ; Quid 
and Fenby were present, and a charge was made that, 
immediately before the examinations, the latter had bid the 
boys not to answer in Scripture, which would thus secure 
condemnation of the chaplain, whose special subject of 
teaching it was, and so prepare for a breakdown in his own 
subjects, wherein Quid had found his class so deficient. A 
boy, M'Donald, alleged that Mr. Fenby told him if the boys 
tripped or broke down in Scripture he, Fenby, would be all 
right, otherwise he would lose his situation ; and asked him, 
as he could not himiself interfere directly, to pass the word 


through the senior boys and all would be right. Another 
boy, Clarke, stated he had heard tlie word go round generally, 
but could not tell where it originated. A third boy, Colgan, 
heard the words " Don't answ-er " go round, and passed it 
himself to thiee others : he explained, however, his real 
reason was only to cover liis own bad answering. As Colgan 
was one of the rioters of the year before and one of the Hanly 
stone throwers, his ingenuous plea was highly likely. Per 
contra Master Nathaniel Joint said he had himself answered 
as well as he could, but advised the other boys not to answer. 
This, however, he naively explained, was to secure the 
premium himself. The Committee, failing to see any humour 
in this, made poor Joint their first victim, and sentenced him 
to be turned out of the School. M'Donald, recalled, was 
severely cross examined by Fenby, but without effect, and 
solemnly asked to reconsider his evidence, said he would 
swear to it if necessary. The cup was full. The Committee 
reported to the Board their unanimous opinion that they 
should dispense with the services of Mr. Fenby ; and this 
at last they did. 

In his place was chosen one of the very best officers the 
Blue Coat has ever possessed, Mr. Louis Le Pan, of one of 
the Dublin French refugee families. He had all the 
characteristic faculties essential for a true head master. In 
this position he was now placed, and retained it with the 
commendation of all for more than a generation. He was 
not now in orders, so he could not be made chaplain too. 
Mr. Quid was retained in that latter office, but was relieved 
of all his other scholastic duties. Even as chaplain he was a 
melanchoh' failure. He w^as cautioned, however, not to 
interfere with the ]\Iaster's headship. Mr. Hanly, too, was 
retained with a caution, and a new official, Shirley, was 
appointed as Superintendent to aid in the care and discipline 
of the boys out of school hours. And peace w^as at length 
restored in the schoolrooms. 

But it would have been too ro.uch to hope that the heated 
atmosphere, so long surcharged, should not have reached the 
basement storey, where the feminine staff, which included 


five nurses, were under the housekeeper, Mrs. Sherwin. As 
this lady had £80 a year, with her maintenance and rooms, 
she might have been thought the proper person to select the 
kitchen chief, but the Board, who had taken charge of 
domestic routine themselves, elected Miss Georgina Crawford, 
with the common result when men take on them women's 
functions. Miss Crawford's personality is so unique as to 
merit a portrait ; — if the qualifications for a cook had been 
literary, her selection was good, for she could quote Shakes- 
peare, and Miss Edgeworth might have envied her writing. 
She began by spurning Mrs. Sherwin's authority, on the 
ground that, having been appointed by the Board, thev alone 
were her masters. Then she brought in her father, who, an 
absolute intruder, took upon him, in Mr. Le Pan's absence, 
to ordei the boys into the dining hall before the prescribed 
hour. As Le Pan had never even seen this man, he naturally 
asked an explanation. Thereupon the gentle Georgina gave 
a double knock at his door ; and, as he was just then not in, 
slie made her way to the sittingroom, where a member of his 
famil}^ sat, with an outburst of vituperation. This, on Mr. 
Le Pan's return, she re-poured upon himself in language so 
violent and insulting that it would be difficult, he says, to 
convey an idea of it, and ended b}'' saying her father vn^ouM 
have a Board called and have him turned out for insulting 
her father (whom he had never peisonally seen), as also the 
housekeeper, who apparently had suggested that this queen 
of the kitchen had been drinking. Mr. Le Pan, calling in 
Mrs. Sherwin, as the supposed regulator of things downstairs, 
the invectives were only repeated with further force. All 
the above was very moderately reported to the governors by 
Le Pan at their own request. Mrs. Sherwin told the 
Committee that Miss Georgina's language was such that, had 
she been her own servant, she must have been discharged at 
once. The Committee sat to four o'clock waiting for 
Georgina, who only appeared when they had risen, and, 
taking advantage of this absence, they postponed the inquiry 
for a more convenient season, thus weakly adjourning it sine 
die ; but Georgina was no ordinary person, they had chosen 


her themselves and they could trust to the magnanimitv of 
Mr. Le Pan ; they were so far right, for she did not colHde 
with him again. 

But of course it did not end here. Within three months 
the Committee sat on a protocol of Miss Crawford's, which is 
indeed unique and beyond even the fancy of Swift in his 
studies of the Servants' hall. The penmanship looks really 
like that of a lady, and there is little doubt that both in this 
and the style not one of the governors, save Dr. Elrington 
perhaps, could have distantly approached it. In form it can 
only be likened to the King's Speech ; there are six stately 
paragraphs, each commencing " My Lords and Gentlemen," 
but, unlike those gracious yet cautious pronouncem.ents this 
is an impeachment of the whole staff, high and low, as 
engaged in a vile conspiracy against her. " My Lords and 
Gentlemen," one paragraph runs, " you cannot but too 
plainly see that a conspirac}' exists against me because I am 
conscientiously and faithfully endeavouring to protect the 
property of the institution and doing justice to the boj^s, this, 
my Lords and Gentlemen, is the head and front of my 
offending, and a few weeks will but too plainly prove the 
truth of my economy in every branch under my care." ; and 
she concludes, " I am very fond of my situation, and I take 
a delight in performing its duties, and it is my determination 
to continue to render justice to all parties. My Lords and 
Gentlemen, I only ask in return your kind protection and 
support to enable me to fulfil the duties of my situation with 
satisfaction to your institution and credit to myself." 

Her specific complaints are against the nurses and house- 
keeper, and, with one exception, refer to small domestic 
details ; but even these are couched in Johnsonian clauses ; 
but she directly charges that on Sunday, 25th October, 
Nurse 5 wilfully threw a gallon of scalding broth on her 
hands and arms as she leaned over the boiler, which caused 
her " excruciating pain," and obliged her to discharge her 
duties for a week in torture ; and her evidence of conspiracy 
is that the whole staff, whom she names, from IMr. Le Pan 
down, showed an utter want of sympathy, Mr. Hone, the 


registrar, refusing her demand to summon a Board, as her 
complaints were too trifling for such a step. The refusal 
was natural, for all who were piesent at the scalding had 
informicd him that her charge against Nurse Johnston was 
wholly baseless, that they had seen how she herself when 
filling the vessel had accidentally tilted it into the boiler, and 
Nurse Johnston solemnly declared in the presence of God 
that she had never touched either gallon or pail, whilst all 
five nurses sent in a statement that i\Iiss Crawford, ever since 
she came, had kept them in complete confusion, and had told 
them she would drain the last diop of her veins to be revenged 
on them all. 

Her clause aiming at Shirley, the superintendent, can 
scarcely be passed by--" He, during the Fair week of 
Donnybrook," she says, " wa.s absent on three several 
occasions, having taken with him the key of the hall. Did 
Mrs. Sherwm, or i\Ir. Le Pan, or !Mr. Hanly," she asks, 
" report his absence to Mr. Hone, and, if so, has Mr. Hone 
reported such negligence to the Board ? " This would have 
done credit to a cross-examining counsel, though, perhaps, the 
famous fair green would have been the most fitting scene for 
the exercise of lier impartial warfare. Yet, in the face of all 
this, the facile governors retained Miss Georgina \Aith a 
gentle reprimand, accompanied by another on j\Irs. Sherwin 
for not exercising greater firmness, and they added a comic 
postscript which points to an oral hint from Georgina. It 
orders that Mrs. Matthews, alias Baily, the infirmary nurse, 
do exhibit her marriage certificate to the registrar, and, 
in default, be immediately dismissed. 

They were perhaps influenced by Georgina's apparent zeal 
for economy. If so, their wisdom was tested when, two yeais 
later, it was found that the charges for bread far exceeded 
the estimated expense. Tlie police were set to watch the gates, 
and forthwith arrested an under-servant, burdened with a large 
fresh loaf. Taken to the station, she now deposed that she 
was habitually thus sent out by Miss Crawford to sell the 
loaf for sixpence and biing back the proceeds in the form of 
whiskey. A special committee of inquiry then disclosed a 


long prevalent system of abuses under which the rations 
given out to the under-staff were regularly sold to purcliasers 
who came to the Hospital weekh^ as to a market. The 
housekeeper successfully pleaded that as the governors liad 
confirmed Miss Crawford's claim to be the officer of the Boaid, 
independent of her, she could exorcise no contiol, and had 
already felt the results of interference. The scandals had 
now gone before the public through the Magistrates' Court. 
Forensic skill could no longer screen even the gentle 
Georgina, who, at last dismissed, henceforth disappears in 
oblivion. j\Irs. Sherwin was pensioned off, and her successor 
was duly charged with the selection of the new kitchen queen. 

But, meanwhile, the radical change in our constitution had 
come. In August, 1840, the ^Municipal Corporations Act 
(3 & 4 Vic, cap. 108) was passed, by which the Blue Coat 
ceased to be the cit}- school. Section 113 provides that the 
existing sixty-one governors, the majority of whom were 
members of the Corporation, should continue as individuals, 
but no longer as representing the city. They were now 
incorporated in accordance with King Charles's original 
charter, but when they had become reduced to fifty, at 
which number the Board should thenceforth stand, vacancies 
should be filled up by the Lord Primate, the Lord Chancellor, 
the Archbishop of Dublin, and the Bishop of Meath, except 
the treasurer and three governors of the Erasnms Smiith 
Board, who are always to be four of the fifty as delegated by 
themselves, they also to have the co-option of four Blue Coat 
governors for their own board, as provided by Archbishop 
King's statute of George I. But the old power, once so 
salutary, of co-opting eminent members, is taken awa}" from 
the newly constituted Board. i 

For the present, however, there was little change, and 
under Mr. Le Pan efficiency reappeared on all sides, sa\'e in 
the chaplain's classes. Dr. Harty, appointed in 1811, only 
retired in 1854, having served with the utmost satisfaction 
not only as physician, but as one oi the most active members 
of the Board, for the long termi of forty-three years. His 

^ See Appendix C. 


colleague, Dr. Read, appointed suigeon in 1823, so continued 
up to 186 1 ; on Haity's retirement he took upon him the 
twofold medical duties, for each of which ^40 a year had been 
assigned, at a salary of £50. He in turn retired after good 
service of thirty-eight years. The medical officers certainly 
took care of themselves. Hanly, relieved of such overlord- 
ship as Mr. Fenby's, remained second master up to 1876, 
thus earning his pension after also having served just thirty- 
eight 37ears. These long terms may be deemed a tribute to 
the peacefully effective rule of the responsible Head master. 
But the chaplain Ould still remained for nine long years 
an incubus, indeed an Old Man of the Sea ; in every year he 
is found defective. By a thoughtful order the governors had 
directed " that his discources from the pulpit shall be, both 
in substance and duration, such as are calculated for the 
moral instruction and religious information of the boys 
entrusted to his care." For failuie in this he is censured 
next year. Then in the successive annual examinations his 
classes are always reported as deficient in Scripture and 
Catechism, and he is each time summoned to explain. His 
excuses aie failing health and leaves of absence, or that he 
has sent a sufficient substitute. But though the governors 
sanctioned an assistant clergyman approved by Archbishop 
Whateley and Dr. Elrington, the same unsatisfactory results 
recurred. At last the governors resolved that in default of 
amendment they must exercise their power of dismissal 
under the charter. Thereupon the chaplain went alone to 
the Archbishop. Now Dr. Whateley, like many strong and 
masterful men, had the weakness of being open to flattery, 
or what is coarsely called to be earwigged, and he very 
incautiously wrote Mr. Ould a letter angrily condemning the 
governors for presuming to suggest the dismissal of the 
chaplain without resorting to him, our Diocesan, and 
intimating that he would not approve a successor under the 
charter. This letter Ould had printed and sent to the 
governors. In a dignified missive to the Archbishop they 
asked whether this treatment of his letter had been 
sanctioned by his grace, and whether he was aware of the 


facts on which they had acted. Then Dr. Whateley perceived 
the mistake he had made. Satisfied presumably with 
Dr. Elrington as a due representative of the Church, he had 
not personally taken part as a working governor. He now 
explained that though he had not forbidden publication, he 
liad intended his letter as a private one, and would certainly 
not think of acting officially until he had heard both sides. 
The chaplam was thereupon summoned by the Board and 
asked to defend his recent action, and on his wholly failing 
to do so, the former resolution of conditional dismissal was 
unanimously passed in his presence. He shortly after 
disappeared. Lc Pan had now graduated in divinity in the 
University, and was immediately sanctioned by the Arch- 
bishop as chaplain ; he obtained his Doctor's degree, and as 
chaplain and head master ruled till his superannuation in 
1876, alter a splendid record of thirty-seven years. 

The drastic quality ot the new statute does not seem to 
have been realized at first, for the majority of the governors 
were still, in fact, members of the Corporation. They might 
have seen what was coming from such a sign of the times as 
the election of Daniel O'Connell to the mayoralty in 
immediate succession to Sir John Ivingston James, our last 
chairman under the old Protestant regime, O'Connell being 
the first Lord Mayor of his communion since the days of Sir 
Thomas Hacket and Tyrconnel, a century and a half before. 
But in 1842 the government auditor under the Act sent to 
the Board from London requiring a full statement of the 
revenue from all sources, which led to the exhaustive report of 
Mr. O'Brien, which has been already referred to, and he 
warns the governors of the serious loss entailed by the 
cessation of the Corporation grants ; he sympathetically 
suggested that the new nominators should be asked to 
enforce a gift of £100 from each governor nominated in 
future. The Board thereupon resolved on an address to 
Government setting forth that in the last twenty years they 
hfid received from the city on the election of 22 aldermen 
£2.210, and in respect of the 40 sheriffs in the same period 
£4.200, the interest of which maintained fifteen pupils, and 



they asked for an amending bill providing that all future 
Protestant sheriffs and all future governors should contribute 
one hundred guineas to the Hospital. This, of course, proved 
abortive, their civic power had gone for ever. Dr. Whateley, 
asked by them to arrange that the nominators should require 
from each nominee a contribution as above, as was usual in 
Christ's Hospital in London, declined, believing that the 
selection being thus limited to the wealthy few, would 
prevent that of useful governors who would not or could not 
afford such a payment. This loss was deeply felt. When 
the Act had passed there were 123 boys in the School, but 
the numbers fell to 60 in twelve years, and twenty years ago 
they only attained to 80. 

But apart from this, all went well. Our Board in 1840 
comprise the Primate, Lord J. G. Beresford, Archbishop 
Whateley of Dublin, the Right Hon. Frederick Shaw, the 
Recorder, then M.P, for the University, and Dr. Elrington, 
who for many years after, as treasurer of the Erasmus Smitli 
Board, gave his high services and continued to send tlie 
additional seven boys, representing his treasurer's personal 
fees ; he continued to superintend the religious training and 
the annual examinations which he had instituted, and which 
have been continued up to our time. After the old Corporate 
governois had declined to fifty, and as the lives of these 
continued to drop, the eminent prelates and the Lord 
Chancellor, appointed by the statute as nominators, have 
ever and anon sent to our Board some of the best representa- 
tives of the social, official and commercial life of Dublin, and 
the system, up to now has always worked well. The great 
changes by which in the last half century vast sums from 
public resources have been expended on Elementary 
Education have gradually and necessarily raised the Hospital, 
which has no share in Parliamentary grants or in rates, 
to the distinct status of a Public School. 

We have now reached the years of living memory, and 
our task is done ; but in so far closing our annals it is very 
grateful to know that never in its past has this historic 
place attained such a position as it now holds under the 


auspices of its present chaplain and head master, Mr. 
Richards. Under him improvement has been signal in 
all departments. The numbers have been gradually laised 
from seventy-eight to one hundred and thirty pupils, 
and at all recent Intermediate examinations, and in many 
of those for the Dublin and the Royal Universities, the 
boys have made successful marks. The pla^^'ground, the 
old Bowling Green of Dublin, which a few years since was 
in winter a swamp, has by Mr. Richard's ingenuity been 
raised some three feet without any felt expense, so that 
now the King's Hospital stands high in the annual records 
of cricket and football ; whilst in the late examinations in 
Christian Knowledge, including the Greek Testaments, held 
under the sanction of the General Synod of the Church of 
Ireland, King's Hospital stood amongst the highest places. 

Thus the torch that was lighted two hundred and thirty- 
seven years ago has been handed on and down through all 
the generations. May we trust that the principles of truth 
and justice, religion and piety, on which our royal charter 
was originally founded, are quickening to-day the life of this 
School, to make it fragrant with the spirit of Christian 
charity, and so may we conclude with the fervent hope that, 
as in the coming time the successive tides of boyhood go 
forth each year from its walls to the world, its best traditions 
may be living powers to animate and sweeten their lives and 
the lives of those that may gather around them. Et nati 
natorum et qui nascuntur ah illis. 

Our Chairmen and Lord Mayors in William IV., and to 
1840 were : 


Sir R. W. Harty, Bart. 


Sir Thos. Whelan 


Charles F. Archer 


Sir George Whiteford 


Arthur Perrin 


Arthur Morrison 


William Hodges 


Samuel Warren 


George Hoyte 


Sir R. W. Brady 


Sir John Kingston James, Bart. 

''■'/ 'Pjo 

L'I'o face pase ■JIC-! 

[ 2Q3 ] 



Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, 
France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all 
to whom these Presents shah come Greeting. Whereas the 
Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens of our City of Dublin, 
in our Kingdom of Ireland, have humbly petitioned Us. thereby 
setting forth. That several of our Subjects in that our City and 
Kingdom, beings charitably affected towards such as thro ugh 
Age, Sickness, or other AccidentSj^^are reduced to Poverty, 
or disabled to gain their Liviiig by their own Labour ; and piously 
considering also the great B enefit cf the good Educat ion and 
Instruction of Youth ; have proposed the Erection, building^and 
establishing of an Hospital and Free Schocl, within the Liberties 
of our City of Dublin, and have shewed great Willingness to 
contribute to so good a Work, which they hope to accomplish, 
in Case they may, by our Royal Authority, be enabled and 
capacitated to purchase Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments 
for the erecting and maintaining of such an Hospital and Free 
School, and to make good, wholesome and necessary Laws for the 
Rule and Government thereof. Know Ye therefore, that We of 
our princely Disposition, for the Furtherance and AccompHsh- 
ment of so good and charitable a Work, of our especial Grace, 
certain Knowledge and mere Motion, by and with the Advice 
and Consent of our right trusty and well beloved Counsellor, 
John, Lord Berkeley, our Lieutenant General and General 
Governour of our said Realm of Ireland, and according to the 
Tenour and Effect of our Letters, bearing Date of our Court at 
Whitehall, the four and twentieth Day cf October, in the three 
and twentieth Year of our Reign, and now enrolled in the Rolls 
in our High Court of Chancery in our said Realm of Ireland, 
Have given, granted, released and confirmed. And by these 
Presents for Us, our Heirs and Successors, Do give, grant, release 
and confirm unto the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and 
Citizens of Our City of Dublin, and their successors for ever, 
ALL that Piece or Parcel of Ground on Oxmaniown Green, near 



Our said City of Dublin, on which the intended Hospital and 
Free School is already begun to be built. And all and singular 
the Edifices and Buildings thereon, and all Yards, Backsides, 
Lands. Tenements, Ways, Waters, Water-courses, Easements, 
Liberties, Privileges, Profits, Commodities, Advantages, Appur- 
tenances, and Hereditaments whatsoever, to the same belonging 
or appertaining, of what Quantity, Quality, Nature, Kind, or 
Sort soever they be, and by whatsoever Name or Names the 
same are called or known, or reputed, accepted or taken, together 
with their and every of their Rights, Members and Appurtenances 
whatsoever ; and also the Reversion and Reversions, Remainder 
and Remainders of all and singular the Premises, and every 
Part and Parcel thereof, and also all the Estate, Right, Title, 
Interest, Claim, Property, Challenge and Demand whatsoever 
which We Our Heirs or Successors have, or at any Time hereafter 
may, can, might or ought to have of, in, or unto the Premises, 
or unto any Part or Parcel thereof. To have and to hold all 
and singular the Premises before, in and by these Presents given, 
granted, released and confirmed, or herein or hereby meant, 
mentioned, or intended to be given, granted, released and 
confirmed, and every Part, Parcel and Member thereof, together 
with their and every of their Rights, Members and Appurtenances 
whatsoever, unto them the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and 
Citizens of Our City of Dublin, and their Successors for ever ; 
to be held and enjoyed by the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, 
and Citizens of Our said City of Dublin, and their Successors 
for ever ; to the only Use, Ends, Intents and Purposes hereafter 
in these Presents mentioned and expressed ; that is to say. 
Upon the especial Trust and Confidence, and to the End, Intent 
and Purpose, that the said Piece of Ground on Oxmantown Green 
aforesaid, hereby granted, or meant, mentioned, and intended to 
be granted, and the building thereon erected, and to be erected, 
Shall for ever more hereafter be, remain and continue a Mansion 
House, and Place of Abode for the Sustentation and Relief of 
poor Children, aged and impotent People ; to be holden of Us 
our Heirs and Successors, as of our Castle of Dublin, in Free 
and Common Soccage, without any Rent or other Payment to be 
rendered or paid unto Us, Our Heirs and Successors for the same. 
And further of Our more abundant Grace, certain Knowledge, 
and Mere Motion, and princely Disposition for the Furtherance 
and Accomphshment of so good and charitable a Work, by and 
with the Advice and Consent aforesaid, and in Pursuance of our 
said Letters, We have given and granted, and by these Presents 
for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, We do give and grant unto 
the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and Citizens of Our said City 
of Dublin, and their Successors for ever, full Power and Authority, 
at their Will and Pleasures, from Time to Time, and at all Times, 
to place therein such Master or Masters of the said Hospital, 


and s uch Numbers of Poor People and Childr en, and such Officers 
or Ministers of the said Hospital and Free ISchool, as likewise an 
able, learned, pious and orthodox Minister, to be_ approved of 
from Time to Time by th e Archbishop of D ublin, for the time 
being ; the said Minister to read Divine Service, and preach 
and teach the Word of God to such as shall reside within the 
same, and catechize juch C hild ren a s shall be in the said Hospital 
or Free School, as to the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and 
Citizens, and their Successors, or such as shall be appointed as 
aforesaid, shall seem convenient ; and from Time to Time, as 
they shall see Occasion, to remove, displace, and amove such 
Masters, Minister, Poor, poor Children, People, or any other 
Officers or Ministers to the said Hospital or Free School belonging, 
and put some other or others in his or their Place or Stead, and 
to apportion, appoint, and allow, from Time to Time such Fees, 
Salaries, and Wages, and such Allowances for Maintenance, 
Rehef and Sustentation of the said Preacher, Master or Masters, 
other Officers or Ministers, and the said poor People and Children, 
as to them the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens, and 
their Successors, shall seem meet ; And that it shall and may 
be lawful to and for the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and 
Citizens, and their Successors, from Time to Time, and at all 
Times hereafter, when and as often as it shall seem expedient, 
or Necessity shall require, to make, constitute and appoint all 
or any such apt, wholesome and honest Ordinances, Statutes, 
Rules and Orders for or in Relation to the well governing of the 
said Hospital and Free School, or either of them, or the Master, 
Minister, Poor, poor Children, or any other Officers or Ministers 
to the said Hospital, or Free School, belonging or to be belonging, 
as to them the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens, and 
their Successors, shall seem meet, convenient, or necessary, 
giving and hereby graiiting unto them the said Mayor, Sheriffs, 
Commons and Citizens and their Successors, full and absolute 
Power and Authority to perform and execute all Act or Acts, 
Thing or Things whatsoever, that shall be requisite and necessary 
to be done for the putting in Execution or compelling a Per- 
formance of all such Ordinances, Statutes, Rules and Orders 
that shall, by Vertue of these Presents, be made, constituted or 
appointed, without Interruption of Us, our Heirs, or Successors, 
or any of the Justices, Escheators, Sheriffs, Ministers, Servants, 
or other Subjects whatsoever, of Us, Our Heirs, or Successors, any 
Statute, Act, Law, or Direction heretofore done or made, or 
hereafter to be done or made to the contrary notwithstanding ; 
so that such Statutes, Ordinances, Rules, or Orders so to be 
made, constituted, or appointed by Vertue of these Presents, be 
not contrary or disagreeing to the Laws and Statutes of Our 
Kingdom of England or Ireland, or Our Royal Authority, and 
such Rules, Ordinances and Statutes to disanul and make void 


as shall by the said Mayors, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens be 
found from Time to Time prejudicial and hurtful to the Govern- 
ment of the said Hospital and Fi-ee School. And further of Our 
more abundant Grace, certain Knowledge, meer Motion, and 
princely Disposition, for the Furtherance and Accomplishment of 
so good and charitable a Work, by and with the Advice and 
Consent aforesaid, and in Pursuance of Our said Letters, We 
have also given and granted, and by these Presents for Us, Our 
Heirs and Successors, do give and grant unto the said Mayor, 
Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens of our said City of Dublin, and 
their Successors for ever. That the said Hospital and Free School 
shall be named, Incorporated, and called The Hospital and 
Free-school of King Charles the Second, Dublin, and by 
that Name shall be and is hereby erected, founded, estabhshed 
and confirmed, and to have Maintenance and Continuance for 
ever, and that the Mayors, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens of Our 
said City of Dublin, and their Successors, shall be from Time to 
Time Governors of the said Hospital and Free School, and of 
the Lands and Tenements, Possessions, Revenues and Goods, 
unto the same belonging, or to be belonging, and shall be called 
and known by the Name of the Governors of the Hospital and 
Free School of King Charles the Second, Dublin, and that the 
said Governors shall be and for ever continue by the Name of the 
Governors of the Hospital and Free School of King Charles the 
Second, Dublin, a Body Politic and Corporate, to have Successors 
for ever, and by that Name shall be and continue, and shall be 
able and capable in Law from Time to Time, and at all Times, to 
sue or be sued in any of Our Courts Spiritual and Temporal, 
within Our Kingdom of Ireland, or other Our Kingdoms and 
Dominions, in Relation to the said Hospital and Free School, 
or any of the Lands, Tenements or Possessions, Revenues or 
Goods unto the same belonging, or to be belonging, or for any 
Transgressions, Offences, Matters, Causes, or Things made, 
committed, or done, or to be done, in or upon the Premises, or 
any Part thereof, or any Thing in these Presents specified, and to 
purchase, take, hold, receive and enjoy to them and their 
Successors for ever, to the Ends aforesaid, as well Goods and 
Chatties, as also any Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, 
Reversions, Annuities, and Hereditaments whatsoever, as well 
from Us, our Heirs, and Successors, as of any other Person or 
Persons whatsoever, not exceeding the yearly Value of Six 
Thousand Pounds Sterling, the Statutes of Mortmain or any 
other Statutes to the contrary notwithstanding : And further 
of Our more abundant Grace, certain Knowledge, meer Motion, 
and princely Disposition, for the Furtherance and Accomplish- 
ment of so good and charitable a Work, by and with the Advice 
and Consent aforesaid, and in Pursuance of Our said Letters, 
We have also given and granted, and by these Presents for Us, 


Our Heirs, and Successors, do give and grant free Liberty and 
License, that the said Governors, and their Successors, may 
have and enjoy a Common Seal for the seahng of any Instrument, 
or Instruments, Deeds, or Writings, touching and concerning 
the Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, Businesses, or Affairs 
of the said Hospital and Free School ; nevertheless Our Royal 
Pleasure, Intent, and Meaning is, that the said Governors, or 
their Successors, shall not do, or suffer to be done, at any Time 
hereafter, any Act or Thing whereby any of the Lands, Tenements, 
or Hereditaments, or the Estate which shall belong to the said 
Corporation, shall be conveyed, ahenated, or transferred, to any 
other Use whatsoever than to the Use of the said Hospital or 
Free School, and that the said Gov-ernors, for the Time being, 
shall not make any other Lease or Leases of any of the Lands, 
Tenements, Possessions, cr Hereditaments, which shall belong 
to the said Corporation than for the Term of Forty-one Years, 
of Houses, or Buildings, or Ground to be built on, and of Tweisty- 
one Years of Lands, Tythes, or other Hereditaments, and those 
to be made either in Possession, or not .above Two Years before 
the Expiration of the State in Possession, and that without 
Fine or Income, at the best yearly Rent that bona fide from good 
and solvent Tenants may be had, and that no Lease be made to 
any of the aforesaid Governors, or to any other Person or persons 
to the Use, or for in Trust for any of the said Governors : And 
further of our more abundant Grace, certain Knowledge, and 
meer Motion, by and with the Advice and Consent aforesaid, 
and in Pursuance of our said Letters, We have given and granted, 
and by these Presents for Us, Our Hen's,and Successors, do give, 
and grant unto the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens 
of Our City of Dublin, and their Successors, that these Our Letters 
Patents, or the Inrolment thereof, and every Clause, Article, 
Matter, and Thing whatsoever, herein contained, shall be in, by 
and through all Things firm, good, valid, sufficient, and effectual 
in the Law unto them the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and 
Citizens, and their Successors, against Us, Our Heirs, and 
Successors, as well in all Our Courts within our said Realm of 
Ireland as elsewhere wheresoever, notwithstanding the not 
finding, or not returning, or ill finding, or ill returning of any 
Office, or Inquisition, of the Parcel of Ground and Premises in 
and by these Letters Our Patents, meant, mentioned, and intended 
to be given and granted for the Ends and Purposes aforesaid, 
whereby our Title should have been found of, in, and unto the 
said Premises and every Part and Parcel thereof, before the 
making of these Presents, and notwithstanding the not naming 
cr not rightly naming of the Premises, or any Part or Parcel 
thereof, or the Parish, Ward, Liberty, Freedom, or Place, in 
which the Premises, or any Part or Parcel thereof, is, are, or do 
lie, and notwithstanding the not naming, or not rightly naming, 


the Quantity, Quality, Nature, Kind, or Sort of the Premises, 
or any Part or Parcel thereof, and notwithstanding that of the 
true annual Value, Rate, Survey, Quantity, or Quality, of the 
Premises, there be no true, certain, or no mention made in these 
presents, and notwithstanding the not naming, or not reciting, 
or ill naming, or ill reciting, of any Grant or Grants, Lease or 
Leases, heretofore made of the Premises, or any Part or Parcel 
thereof, to any Person or Persons whatsoever for Term of Life, 
Lives, or Years, in Fee Simple, or Fee Tail, or otherwise howsoever, 
remaining of Record, or not of Record, and notwithstanding 
that of the rent heretofore reserved upon any former Demise or 
Demises, Lease or Leases, heretofore made of the Premises, or 
any Part or Parcel thereof, there be no full, true, certain, or no 
mention at all made in these Presents, and notwithstanding a 
certain Statute made in the Parliament held at Westminster, in Our 
said Kingdom of England, in the Eighteenth Year of the Reign 
of King Henry the Sixth, late King of England, Our Predecessor 
and notwithstanding a certain statute made in the Parliament 
held at Limerick, in our said Kingdom of Ireland, in the Thirtieth 
Year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, late King cf England, 
Our Predecessor, the Title of which Act is. An Act for Lands 
given by the King, and notwithstanding any other Statute or 
Act made in Our said Kingdom of Ireland, in any of the Years of 
the Reign of the said King Henry the Eighth, and notwithstanding 
a certain statute made in Our Said Kingdom of Ireland, the 
Second Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, late Queen of 
England, Our Predecessor ; and notwithstanding any other 
Statute or Act, Statutes or Acts, made in our said Kingdom of 
Ireland, in the said Second Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
or any other Year of the Reign of the said Queen Elizabeth, or 
of any other the Kings or Queens of England ; and notwith- 
standing any Act, Clause, Provision, or Ordinance made in the 
Parliament begun at Dublin in the Fifteenth Year of the Reign 
of our late Royal Father, of ever glorious Memory, deceased ; 
and notwithstanding any other Statute, Act, Ordinance, Pro- 
vision, or Restriction, or any other Cause, Matter, or Thing 
whatsoever, to the Evacuation or Annihilation of these Our 
Letters Patents ; and notwithstanding a Writ of ad quod 
damnum hath not issued to enquire concerning the Premises, 
And Our further Will and Pleasure is, and We do by these 
Presents for Us, our Heirs and Successors, give and grant unto 
the said Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens of our said City 
cf Dublin, and their Successors, That they the said Mayor, 
Sheriffs, Commons and Citizens of Our said City of Dublin, 
shall have these Our Letters Patents under Our Great Seal of 
Ireland wdthout Fine, great or small, to be therefore paid to Our 
Use in Our Hanaper, in Our said Kingdom cf Ireland, Although 
Express Mention is not made cf the clear yearly Value, or of the 


Certainty of the Premises, or that any Gift or Grant heretofore 

made by Us, or Our Progenitors, to the said Mayor, Sheriffs, 

Commons and Citizens of Our said City of Dublin of the Premises, 

any Statute, Act, Ordinaiice, or Provision, or any other Cause 

or Matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding ; Provided 

always that these Our Letters Patents be inrolled in the Rolls of 

Our High Court of Chancery in Our said Kingdom of Ireland ^ 

within the Space of Six Months next ensuing the Date of these 

Presents. In Witness whereof We have caused these Our Letters 

to be made Patents. Witness Our aforesaid Lieutenant General 

and General Governor of Our said Kingdom of Ireland at Dublin, 

the Fifth Day of December, in the Three and Twentieth Year of / 6 "^ O 

our Reign. 


Irrotulat in Rot. Paten. Can- 
cellar. Hibnie Vicessimo Sexto 
Die Januarii Anno Regni Re- 
gis Caroli Seciindi Vicessimo 
Tertio, et examinat per me 

Ra. Wallis, Cleric, in Offico 
Mri. Rotolor. 



See p. 156. 


entitled, " an act for further application of the 
1^ Rents and Profits of the Lands and Tenements," 


And whereas the Governors of the said Schools have come to an 
agreement with the Governors of the Hospital and Free 
School of King Charles the Second, Dublin, commonly called the 
Blue Coat Hospital, in the City of Dublin, on the terms herein- 
after mentioned, viz. : that the Governors of the Schools shall give, 
to the Governors of the Blue Coat Hospital, three hundred pounds 
sterling, towards building an Infirmary for the said Hospital, 
for the reception of forty boys ; that in consideration of the said 
sum of three hundred pounds, the Governors of the said Hospital 
shall find convenient reception in the said Hospital for any 
number of boys to be named and placed therein by the Governors 
of the Schools, not exceeding twenty, to have the same reception, 
maintenance and clothing, and be, every way, under the same 
regulation as the other boys in the said Hospital are : that the 
Governors of the Schools shall find bedding and the usual 
furniture for each room, for such boys as shall be placed by them 
in the said Hospital at their first entrance therein, until such time 
as provision shall be made for the number of twenty boys, agreed 
upon, to be placed in the said Hospital, after which the repairing 
and keeping the said bedding and furniture are to be charged 
in the annual expense, for the maintenance of the said boys, 
according to the usage and custom of the said Hospital : that the 
Governors of the said Schools shall pay, to the Governors of the 
Blue Coat Hospital, for the maintenance of each and every 
boy placed by them in the said Hospital, the same rate that 
the other boys in the said Hospital are maintained at, and that 
such sums as are found necessary for maintenance of each and 


every boy placed in the said Hospital, as aforesaid, shall be paid 
quarterly, and the accounts shall be made once every year : 
that the Governors of the said Schools shall pay five pounds 
per annum, to the Schoolmaster of the said Hospital, for teaching 
the boys which shall be placed in the said Hospital by the 
Governors : that the Governors of the said Schools shall pay the 
same rate that is paid for the other boys, who are taught the 
mathematics in the said Hospital, if the Governors of the Schools 
desire that any of the boys placed by them in the said Hospital 
be taught the same : that the Governors of the Schools shall and 
will, at their own expense, bind out each- and every boy that shall 
be nominated and placed by them in the said Hospital, as soon 
as he and they shall be fit to be put out apprentice, to such 
Master as the Governors of the Schools shall approve of, and 
shall give such fee as the Governors of the Hospital give w'ith 
the other boys to be put out apprentice by them ; that the Lord 
Mayor, Recorder, and two Aldermen, by the Governors of the 
Hospital to be chosen, shall be standing Governors of the Schools 
founded by Erasmus Smith, esquire : that four of the Governors 
of the Schools, by them to be chosen, shall be standing Governors 
of the said Hospital : that the Governors of the Schools shall 
and will, at their own expense, next sessions of Parliament, 
endeavour to get an act of Parliament passed in this kingdom, 
to make the foregoing agreement effectual. 

Therefore, for rendering the said agreement effectual, and 
for the encouragement of so good and charitable a work, be it 
enacted, that the said agreement be, and is hereby ratified and 
confirmed, and be it therefore enacted, by the authority aforesaid, 
that the Treasurer of the Governors of the said Schools shall, 
out of the cash now in, or which shall hereafter come to his hands, 
with all convenient speed, pay, to the Governors of the said 
Hospital and Free School of King Charles the Second, Dublin, 
commonly called the Blue Coat Hospital, the said sum of three 
hundred pounds, sterling, towards building an Infiimary as 
aforesaid ; and also find and provide bedding and other iisual 
furniture for each room for such boys as shall be by them placed 
in the said Blue Coat Hospital, the keeping and repairing of which 
bedding and furniture is thereafter to be charged in the annual 
expense for maintenance of the said boys, according to the usage 
and custom of the said Hospital : and to the end the boys, hereby 
designed to be placed by the (icvernors of the Schools in the said 
Hospital, may be maintained, clothed and educated, in the same 
manner as the other boys in the said Hospital, be it enacted, 
that the Governors of the said Schools, for the time being, shall, 
yearly, for ever hereafter, pay, out of the surplus rents of the 
lands vested m them, to the Governors of the said Blue Coat 
Hospital, such yearly sum and sums of money, for the main- 
tenance of such beys, as shall, by the Governors of the said 


Schools, pursuant to the aforesaid agreement, be placed in the 
said Hospital, as the Governors of the said Hospital shall, from 
time to time, bona fide, yearly lay out and expend for the main- 
tenance of the like number of other boys in the said Hospital, 
and all and every sum and sums of money hei'eby appointed to 
be paid for the maintenance of the said boys to be placed in the 
said Hospital, shall be paid by the Governors of the Schools, 
quarterly, to the Treasurer or Agent of the said Hospital, for the 
time being, and the accounts of such money shall be made up, 
stated and settled, by the Governors of the said Schools and 
the Governors of the said Hospital, once in every year, for ever 
hereafter ; and also that the Governors of the said Schools shall, 
for ever hereafter, out of the said rents, pay the yearly sum of 
five pounds per annum to the Schoolmaster of the said Hospital, 
for teaching the said boys to read, write and cast accounts, 
as the other boys in the said Hospital are taught and instructed, 
the same to be paid half-yearly, by equal payments, to such 
Master ; provided, always, that if the Governors of the said 
Schools shall, at ariy time, appoint any of the said boys by them 
placed in the said Hospital, as aforesaid, to be instructed in the 
mathematics, the said Governors, over and above the payments 
herein before appointed to be made, shall pay and allow unto the 
Governors of the said Hospital such sum and sums of money, 
and after the same rate for instructing and teaching such boys 
in the mathematics as are paid for instructing other boys in the 
mathematics in the said Hospital, any thing herein contained 
to the contrary notwithstanding. 

And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that the 
Governors of the said Schools, for the time bemg, shall, from 
time to time, at their own expense, put and place out apprentice, 
to such trades and employments as they shall think fit, all such 
boys as shall be by them, from time to time, sent to be maintained 
and educated in the said Hospital, as soon as such boys shall, 
respectively, be qualified for that purpose, and shall also, out 
of the yearly surplus rents of the said lands, give such apprentice 
fees with the said boys, respectively, as the Governors of the 
said Hospital usually give with other boys cf the said Hospital, 
by them put out apprentice to the like trades or employments, 
it being the design and meaning of this Act, that all the boys 
who shall be placed in the said Hospital by the Governors of the 
said Schools, shall be by them maintained, educated and provided 
for, in such and the same manner, and be subject and liable to 
the same rules and regulations as all other boys in the said 
Hospital are or shall be liable unto. 

And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that the 
Lord Mayor and Recorder of the city of Dublin, now, and for the 
time being, and two of the Aldermen of the said city, such as the 
Governors of the said Hospital shall, from time to time, elect and 


appoint, shall, for ever hereafter, be standing Governors of the 
Schools founded by the said Erasmus Smith, and added to the 
thirty-two Governors in the said letters patent mentioned ; 
and also that the Treasurer and three othei of the Governors of 
the said Schools, now, and for the time being, such as the said 
Governors of the said Schools, shall, from time to time choose 
and appoint, shall be and are hereby declared to be standing 
Governors, and added to the Governors of the said Hospital and 
Free School of King Charles the Second, Dublin, commonly called 
the Blue Coat Hospital. 

Provided, always, and be it further enacted, by the authority 
aforesaid, that all annual and other payments hereby mentioned, 
intended, or appointed to be made to or for the use of the said 
College of Dublin, or any Fellow, Lecturer, Member or Scholar 
thereof, shall at all times, hereafter, be made to the Bursar of the 
said College, for the time being, and that all annual and other 
payments hereinbefore mentioned, or intended to be made 
to or for the use of the said Hospital, or any boys to be placed 
therein, shall, at all times hereafter, be made to the Agent or 
Treasurer of the said Hospital, for the time being, and that the 
receipt and receipts of the Bursar of the said College, and also 
that the receipt and receipts of the Treasurer or Agent of the 
said Hospital, respectively, for the time being, shall be a sufficient 
discharge to the Governors of the said Schools, and their successors 
for the same. 

And whereas the Governors of the Hospital and Free School 
of King Charles the Second, DubUn, are seized and possessed 
of several waste plots of ground, in the city of Dublin, and suburbs 
thereof, which, by reason the said Governors are restrained from 
making leases for a sufficient term, to encourage building thereon, 
lie waste and unimproved, to the great loss and prejudice of the 
said Hospital and Free School ; be it therefore enacted, by the 
authoiity aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for 
the Governors of the said Hospital and Free School to make lease 
of said waste plots, or any of them, whereof they are seized 
of an estate of inheritance, and of which no lease shall be in 
being at the time of making thereof, for any term or number 
of years, not exceeding the term of ninety-nine years, at the best 
and highest rent that can be got for the same, without line 
or other income, in order that the said premises may be built and 
improved upon, for the benefit of the said Hospital and Free 

And, be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that 
if, at any time or times hereafter, the rents, revenues or profits 
of the said lands, and tenements so set apart by the said Erasmus 
Smith, shall happen to increase, or be raised to better or greater 
yearly value than they now yield, or if any part of the present 
yearly rents of the said lands shall be and remain in the hands 


of the Treasurer or the Governors of the said Schools, over and 
above the annual payments, charges and expenses heretofore, 
or by this Act appointed to be made, out of the said lands, that 
then, and in such cases, it shall and may be lawful to and for the 
Governors of the said Schools, for the time being, from time to 
time, for ever hereafter, to apply - and dispose of the residue 
and overplus of the said yearly rents for and towards some public 
work or use in the said College or Hospital, in putting cut poor 
children to school, or apprentices, or in setting up and foundmg 
one or more English School or Schools in any place or places in 
this Kingdom, as the Governors of the said Schools, for the time 
being, shall think most proper and convenient ; and, in like 
manner, that if, at any time or times hereafter, the yearly rents, 
revenues and profits of the said lands and tenements so 
set apart by the said Erasmus Smith, shall decrease or grow 
less, that then, and in such cases, it shall and may be lawful to 
and for the Governors of the said Schools, for the time being, 
and they are hereby empowered, from time to time, and at all 
fimes hereafter, either to lessen the number of the Pensioners or 
Exhibitioners of the said College, or to make such deduction 
and abatement out of all or any the pensions, exhibitions, 
salaries, or other yearly sum or sums of money hereby appointed, 
or continued to be paid by them, as they shall think fit. 

Provided, nevertheless, that no deduction or abatement 
whatsoever shall be made out of the sums mentioiied to be 
payable to the said Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens of the 
City of London, Governors of the possessions, revenues and goods 
of the Hospitals of Edward, King of England, the Sixth, of Christ 
Bridewell, and St. Thomas the Apostle, or the salaries hereinbefore 
appointed to be paid to the three junior Fellows herein before 
mentioned, or out of any provision of this Act intended for the 
boys, to be, by the Governors of the said Schools, placed in 
the said Blue Coat Hospital, or to the Master for teaching of 
the said boys, but that all the last-mentioned sums shall continue 
and remain payable, anything hereinbefore contained to the 
contrary notwithstanding. 

And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that the 
Governors of the said Schools shall pay and be allowed the 
charges of obtaining and passing this present Act ; provided 
that nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to 
extend, to defeat or prejudice the payment of the said sum of 
one hundred pounds per annum, payable to the said Mayor 
and Commonalty and Citizens of the City of London, Governors 
of the possessions, revenues and goods of the Hospitals of Edward 
King of England, the Sixth, of Christ Bridewell, and St. Thomas 
the Apostle, but that the same shall continue to be paid and 
payable, without any deductions or abatement whatsoever, 
as if this Act had not been made. 


Saving, nevertheless, to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 
his heirs and successors, and to all and every other person and 
persons, bodies politic and corporate, their heirs, executors, 
administrators, successors and assigns, (other than and except 
the said Governors of the Schools founded by Erasmus Smithy 
esquire ; the Provost, Fellows and Scholars of the College of the 
Holy and Undivided Trinity, of Queen Elizabeth, near Dubhn, 
the Governors of the Hospital and Free School of King Charles 
the Second, Dubhn, commonly called the Blue Coat Hospital, 
in the City of Dublin, and the said i\Iayor and Commonalty and 
Citizens of the City of London — Governors of the possessions, 
revenues and goods of the Hospitals, of Edward King of England 
the Sixth, of Christ Bridewell, and Saint Thomas the Apostle) 
all such estate, right, title and interest, trust, claim, and demand 
whatsoever, as they, or any of them, have or hath, or can or may 
have, or claim of, in or to all or any of the said lands, tenements, 
hereditaments and premises, as if this Act had not been made 
any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanchng. 

Carleton p. Holles. 




See p. 287. 

The Clauses of the Municipal Corporations of Ireland 
Act, 1840 (304 Vic. c. 108), reconstituting the King's 

And whereas by Letters Patent of King Charles the Second, 
bearing Date the Fifth Day of December in the Twenty-third 
Year of His Reign, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and 
Citizens of the City of Dublin, and their Successors, are constituted 
a Body Pohtic and Corporate, by the name of '' The Governors of 
the Hospital and Free School of King Charles the Second, 
Dublin : " Ard wheieas the Government, Management, and 
Direction of the said Hospital and Free School are now exercised 
by Sixty-one standing Governors (whereof Four are the Treasurers 
for the Time being and Three other Governors of the Schools 
founded by Erasmus Smith Esquire, appointed by the Governors of 
the said last-mentioned Schools, in pursuance of an Act of the 
Parliament of Ireland, made in the Tenth Year of the Reign of 
King Gi'org'(^ the First): Be it enacted, That from and immediately 
after this Act shall come into operation in the said City of Dublin 
the Persons who at that Time shall be the Governors of the said 
Hospital, and the Survivors of them, and their Successors, to be 
appointed in manner, herein-after mentioned, shall be and they 
are hereby constituted a Body Politic and Corporate, by the 
aforesaid Name of " The Governors of the Hospital and Free 
School of King Charles the Second, Dublin," in the Place and 
Stead of the said Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and Citizens of 
the said Cit}? of Dublin, who shall no longer be such body Pohtic 
and Corporate, in like manner, to all Intents and Purposes, 
as if the said Sixty-one Persons, and the Survivors of them, and 
their Successors, had been the Persons appointed by virtue of the 
said Letters Patent, instead of the said Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, 
Commons, and Citizens, and all and singular the Hereditaments, 
Sums of Money, Chattels, Securities for Money, and other 
Personal Estate of the said Body Corporate, constituted by the 
said Letters Patent, and all the Estate, Right, Interest, and 
Title, and all the Rights, Powers, Privileges, and Immunities of 
such Body Corporate, and all Rights of Action and Suit vested 


in such Body Corporate, shall be and arc hereby vested in the 
Body Corporate, hereby constituted in the Place and Stead thereof 
and the Body Corporate thereby constituted shall be subject to 
the same Liabilities, and governed according to the same Regula- 
tions, as the Bod}^ Corporate appointed by the said Letters 
Patent shall be subject to and governed by ; Provided always, 
that the Treasurer for the Time being, and Three other Governors 
of the Schools founded by the said Erasmus Smith, such as the 
Governors of the said Schools, shall from Time to Time choose 
and appoint, shall and they are hereby declared to be standing 
Governors of the said Hospital, in hke Manner as by the said Act 
of the Tenth Year of the Reign of King George the First they 
were made Governors of the said Hospital : Provided also, that 
the Governors of the said Hospital hereby constituted shall never 
consist of less than Fifty, and mat when and so often as any of 
the Governors hereby appointed, or to be appointed as herein- 
after is mentioned, (other than the said Treasurer and Three 
other Governors of the said Schools founded by the said Erasmus 
Smith), shall depart this Life, then it shall be lawful for the 
Lord Archbishop of Armagh, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 
the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and the Lord Bishop of Meath, 
for the Time being, or the Major Part of them, and they are 
hereby empowered, by Writing under their Hands and Seals, 
to appoint One or more Persons or Person in the Place or Places 
and as a Successor or Successors of the deceased Governor or 
Governors, or any of them, so as to make up, with the surviving 
Governors, the Number at the least of Fifty Governors, including 
the said Treasurer and Three other Governors of the said Schools 
founded by the said Erasmus Smith ; and every person so 
appointed a Governor shall be a Governor jointly with the 
surviving Governors for the Time being, and shall have the same 
Powers and Authorities as if he had been appointed a Governor 
by this Act. 

And be it enacted. That from and immediately after this 
Act shall come into operation in the said City of Dublin so 
much of the said Act of Parliament passed in the Tenth Year 
of the Reign of King George the First as provides that the Lord 
Mayor and Recorder of the City of Dublin, then and for the Time 
being, and Two of the Aldermen of the said City, such as the 
Governors of the Schools founded by Erasmus Smith Esquire, 
should from Time to Time select and appoint, should for ever 
thereafter be standing Governors of the said Schools, shall be 
and the same is hereby repealed ; and that foiu- of the Governors 
for the Time being of the said Hospital and Free School of King 
Charles the Second, Dublin, such as the Governors of the said 
Schools founded by Erasmus Smith shall from Time to Time 
select and appoint, shall for ever thereafter be standing Governors 
of the said Schools founded by the said Erasmus Smith. 


In this Index Go\ 

means ('oNctnor of B. C. and B. C. means Blue 
Coat School. 


Abercorn, Earl of, Gov., IGO. 
Addison, Rt. Hon. Joseph, 135. 
Aldermen, All Govs., G5 ; ConstitAi- 

tion of, 1S9 ; Fines on, given to 

B. C, 12g, 25 1. -289. 
Allen, Sir Joshua, Gov., 48, 58, 65, 109. 
Allen, Lords, 58. 
Anne, Queen, 125, 142, 172. 
Anne's, St., Guild Wardens of Govs., 

Annesley, Sir A., Earl Angle.^ea, 2. 
Arlington, Earl of, 34, 68. 
Aston 's Quay, 237. 


Ball, Beni.. Gov., 211. 
Ball, F. EirintTton, 208, 211, 275. 
Ballast Ofhce, Grant to B. C, 131, 163. 
Beasley, Ed., Gov. and Steward B. C, 

227, "247. 
Benefactors, Original Lipt of, 48. 
Beresford, Lord John G., Primate, 

Gov , 290. 
Bcresfo.'d, Et. Hon. J. Claudius, Gov., 

Berkeley, Lord, of Stratton, I,. L., 49, 

65 ; His Corporation Rules, 52. 
Berkeley, George, Bp. of Cloyne, 184. 
Bishops, Consecration Fees to B. C, 

86, 184. 
Blackhall, Sir Thos., Gov., 203, 207, 

Blackholl Street and Place, 211. 
Blackpool of Dublir, G. 
Blue Coat School — 

First Hospital, 69. 

Second Hospital, 214. 

Charter of, 63 ; App. A. 

Original Pujiils, 71 

Boys expelled by Tyrconnell, 1 10. 

Blue Coat School — 

Boys sent to Christchurch, 116. 
Numbers of, 1675—60; 1692— 
32; 1702—82; 1714— 127 ; 1725 
— 188; 1731—162; 1737—138; 
1771—170; 1800—110; 1808— 
130; 1840—123; See above 
Chaplains and Headmasters of, see C. 
Alliance of B. C. with E. Smith 
Board, 155, 244, 290 and App. B. 
and C. 
B.C. attacked by Lucas. Chap. IX. 
Parliament in, C'liap. VIII. 
Unruly Boys. 101, 170, 182,224. 2£0. 
Theatricals in, 255. 
Boulton. Primate, Gov.. 162, 183. 
Boyle, Archbp., Chancellor and Pri- 
mate, 54, 69, 92. 125. 
Brabazon, Lord, 79. 
Bradogue-Riveret, 27. 
Bradstreet, Sir Saml., Rcc. and Gov., 

193, 213, 218. 
Brewers, Tax on for B. C, 76. 
Brewery in B. C, 130. 
Brodrick, Chas., Archbp. Cashel, 

Gov., 241, 252 
Bysse, Sir John, Rec. and C. Buron. 
"Gov., 55, 65, 120. 

Cabal Ministry, 49, 83. 
Cage Tor Corner Bojs, 18. 
Cappoloughlin, Endcwn;ent of B.C., 

57, 250, 266. 
Carlisle Bridge. 237. 
Can-, Bishop of Killaloc, Chaplain 

B. C, 120, 131, 1.53. 
Carter, M. Rolls, 197. 
Carteret, Lord, L. L., 167, 17(». 
Cassels, Architect, 232. 233. 
Chairs, Old, in B. C, 226. 


Chaplains and Headmasters of B. C, 

Rev. E. Wettenhall, desig , 1673. 

Lewis Prythirch, 1675. 

Benj. Colquit, 1681. 

Nich. Knight, 1685. 

Thos. King, 1687. 

Thos. Hemsworth, 1692. 

Chas. Carr, 1700. 

Rich. Gibbons, 1716. 

Ralph Grattan, 1732. 

Hamilton Morgan. 1763. 

Allan Morgan, 1785. 

Jas. Walker King, 1830. 

Fielding Oiild. 1836. 

Louis Le Pan, Head Master, 

1839 ; Chaplain, 1848. 

See under above years. 
Charlemont, Viscount, Gov., 127. 
Charlemont, Earl of, 209, 235, 236. 
Charles, II,, Petition from B. C, 66; 

Holds Council thereon, 66 ; gift 

to Lord Mayor of Collar of S.S., 83. 
Christchurch, Manor and Barns of, 22 ; 

Litigation with Archbp. King, 131. 
Churchill, Sir Winston, 38. 
Claims, Court of, 33. 
Clarendon, Earl of. L. L., 104. 
Coaches and Chairs, Tax on, to B. C, 

Coghill, Sir Marmaduke, Gov., 161, 

Colquit, Chaplain, B.C., order appoint- 
ing, 88. 
Connolly, Rt. Hon. Sir. W., Speaker, 

Gov.,' 165, 187. 
Constantine, Aid, Robert, Gov., see 

Three Years War. 
Conyngsby, Lord, 112. 
Cooke, SirSaml, L.M,. Gov.. 140. 144. 
Cooke, Sir Saml. (2), 202. 
Cooley, Thomas, Architect, 232, 239. 
Corporation, Dublin, Riding Fran- 
chises, 22 ; Constitution of, 55, 189, 

191. Attacked by Lucas, Chap. IX. 
Courtney, Master, in B. C, 276, 277. 
Craddock, Dean of S. Patrick's, 221. 
Crawford, The Gentle Georgina, 284 

ct seq. 
Cupola, 219, 245, 240. 


D ALTON, IMaster in B. C, 247, 256 

ct seq., 276 et f.eq. 
Damas Gate. 6, 11, 233. 
Dame Street, 234, 238. 
Danes in Dublin, see O.xmintown. 
Davys, Sir Wm, Rec. and Ch. Justice, 

47, 52, 63. 
Desm5mieres, Louis, Gov., 49, 57. 

Domville, Sir William, 64. 

Donellan, Sir Xehemiah, Rec, Ch. 

Justice, Gov., 115. 
Dongan, Lord, Limerick, Gov., 108. 
Dopping, Bishop Anthony, 88. 
Downes, Lord Cli. Justice. Gov., 244 ; 

Reform in B. C, 244-247 ; sends 

more boys from E. Smith, 245, 251. 
Drelincourt, Dean of Armagh, Bene- 
factor of B. C, Gov., 133, 134. 
Drogheda, The Lords, 21. 
Drogheda Street, 21, 233, 237. 
Aspect of, at Restoration. Chap. I. 

Ancient Gates, Towers and Walls, 
11, 15, 16. 99. 

Ballast Office, 129. 

Blackpool of, 6. 

Boundaries, Old, 21. 

Churches at Restoration, 16. 

City Music, 17. 

Drink in, 15. 

Evolution of, 98, 124, 129, 163, and 
Chap. XII. 

Free School of, 36 et seq. 

Recorders of, see R. 

Regiments, 18, 57. 

Social state of, at Restori.tion, 29 
et seq. 

Workhouse, 109. 
Dudley, Lord, L. L., 173, 246. 


Education Commission, 1806^ — 242, 

251; (1812) (Clare St.), 266, 275; 

(1854), 225, 243, 263. 
Ellis, Bp. Welbore, 132, 134. 
Elrington, Rev Dr. Charles. Reforms 

in B. C, 275, 290. 
Encroachments, Fines for, to B. C, 75 
Essex, Athur, Earl of, L. L.. 55, 91,; 

His New Rules. 55, 105, 141, 189. 
Essex Bridge, 90 et seq. 
Eustace, L^ C, 7, 81. 
Evelyn, John, Diary, 51. 120 
Evolution of Dublin, see D. 
Expulsion of Founders, 49. 

Falkiner, Daniel, Gov., 143, 151, 183. 
Faulkner, Aid. George, Gov., 205. 
Fenby, Master in B. C, 279 et seq. 
Fielding, Sir Chas., 127. 
Forster, John, Rec, Ch. Justice, Gov., 
122. 139, 142, 147, 149. 



Fostei, Rt. Hon. John, Speaker, Gov., 

215, 223, 241, 248. 
Fownes, Sir Wm.. L. M., Gov., 135, 144. 
Free School, Chap II. 
French, Hunifre^', L.M., Gov., 173. 
FuUerton , Sir James, 37. See Free 



Galway, Earl of (Ruvigny), 153. 
Gandon, James, Architect. 237, 238, 

Gardiner, Rt. Hon. Luke, 183, 
George I., 135. 

George II., 200; Statue. 201, 232. 
George III., Recommends Lucas to 

favour, 199 ; Statue by Van Xost, 

(Jeorge IV., Visits Dublin, 254. 
George, Denis, Rec. and Baron, Gov. 

218, 247. 
Gibbons, Grinling, Sculptor, 120. 
Gibbons, Rev. Rich., Chaplain B. C, 

171, 175. 
Ciore, Sir Ralph, Speaker, Gov., 102,106. 
Grangegorman in Sylvis, 2."., 20. 
Grattan, James, Rec. and Gov., 198. 
Grattan, Rev. Ralph, Chaplain, 176, 

Grattans, The, and B. C, 176, et seq. 
Gressingham, Aid., Silver Cup, 56. 


Hackett, SirThos., L. M. Gov., 107, 

Hamilton, James, Loid Clandebo}% 39. 
Hanly, Master in B. C. 279, 288. 
Harcourt, Earl, Simon. L. L., 205. 
Hardwick, Earl of, L. L., 241. 
Harrington, Karl of, L. L., 194. 
Hart, Robert, Agent of B. C. 229, 243, 

Hartv, Dr., Gov., 247. 2'^7. 
Harvey, Dr.. Phys. to B. C, Gov., 123. 
Hemming, Capt., Benefactor, 225. 
H.-)adiey, Archbp.. Gov., 160, 1S4. 
Hoggen Green, 7. 
Hone, Addison, Reg. B. C, 202. 
Hutchinson, Aid. Daniel. Gov.. 49. 05. 

TsouLT, La Belle, Tower, 13; Fountain, 
22 ; Tristram and, 99 note. 

I\orv, James, Architect of B. C. ; 
TTis Plans in Brit. Museum, 208, 
also 235. 

Jamks, Duke of York, 35, 51. 

James II., Chaj). X. 

Jarndyce /•. Jarndyce, of B. C, 205 

et seq. 
Jervis, Sir Humphrev, 90 el sc^. 
JoceljTi, I/3rd Newport, L.C.. Gov., 

Joh.rston, Francis, Architect, 245. 
Jones, Bp. Henrv, 8, 32. 
Jcacs, Sir Thee ph., 21, 32. 

Kane, ^ir Nathaniel. L. M. Gov.. 179, 

attacked by Luca^^, 195. 
Kavanagh, George. Benefactor B. C, 

Kilcotty. Tithes of, granted B. C. 

Kildare, Marouess of. Benefactor B. C, 

King, Rev. Thomas, Chaplain B. C, 

110. 112, 127. 
King, Sir Abraham Bracllej-, L. M., 

Gov., 159, 249, 254. 
King, Archbishop, Bisho]) Derrv, 112 ; 

4rchbp. Dublin, 127 ; aontlictwith 

Christ Church, 131 : Letter to 

Swift, 139; Great Gov. of B. C, 

154 i:t sc'/. ; Form" alliance with E. 

Smith's Board, 155; Meniorial i', 

St. Patrick's, 158. 
King, Rev., Sir James W. King. Bart., 

Chaplain of B. C, 159, 205. 
Knight, Rev. N., Chaplain in B. C, 

presentation to Archbishop, 101. 
Kirwan, Dean of Killala, Charity 

Sermon for B. C, 222. 

Land Values of Endowments, 223, 251. 
Latin in B. C. 89. 
Latouche, James Digges, 189, 194. 
Latouche, Rt. Hon. David, Gov.. 

216, 240. 
Leake. Surgeon, B. C, 227, 250. 
I>easiiig, Powers of, B. C, 150 ; and 

App. B. 
Leighton. Sir Ellis, Recorder, 49, 51. 
Leinster, William, 2nd Duke, 207, 

Le Pan, Rev. Lonis, Chaplain, B. C, 

283, 287. 289. 
Linen Trade and B. C., 180. 
Loftus, Dr. Dudley, 55, 1 13. 


Lord Mayor, Chairmen of B. C, 74; 
List of, 98, 123. 152, 130, 164, 
2(»2, 230, 253, 264, 291 ; Laws of 
Election, 55, 137 189, 198, 202; 
Fines to B. C. in liea of Feasts, 165. 

Lucas, Dr. Cha., 42, chap. IX., 
statue by Ed. Smj'th, 199, 234. 


Macaulay, Lord, on Oath of siipre- 

Jiiacy, 105. 
McDerniot, Terence, L. M. Gov., Ill 
Madden, Dr. John, Gov., 123. 
Magee, Archbishop, Gov., 260. 
Martyii, Gyles, Donor of Nodstown, 

Malone, Prime Sergeant, 193, 106. 
Manners, Lord Chan., 2G7, 271, 272. 
Marlborough, Duke of, at Free School, 

Mary's, St., Abbey., 21. 
Mathematical School in B. C, 127. 
Mead, James, Master, in B. C, 75. 
Merchant Seamen's Act, Fines to B. C, 

Michan's, St., Parish and Church, 20, 

22, 132, 238. 
Midleton, Lady, Legacy to B. C, 158, 
Morgan, Rev. Allan, Dean of Killaloe. 

Chaplain B. C, 219, 2.55, 257, 263. 
Morgan, Rev. Hamilton, Chaplain 

B. C, 219. 
Molyneux, Sir Thos., Gov., 123. 
Molyneux, William, Gov., 122. 
Mullingar, Tithe.- of. 87, 110, 223. 
Municipal Corporation Act, 1840, 287, 

and App. C. 
Mynchin Fields, 7, 232. 


NiCOLTNi, Cavaliere, sings in B. C, 128. 
Nodstown Endowments, 81, 242, 252. 
Normanton, Earl, of, Archbishop, 

Cashel and of Dublin, Gov., 216, 240, 

see Somerton. 


Oath of Allegiance, 55, 97 ; of Non- 
Resistance, 62 ; of Supremacy, 55 

Ormonde, James, Duke of, 35, 66, 78, 
SO, 82, 86, 201. 

Ormonde Bridge, 93. 

Osborne, Henry, Benefactor of B. C, 

Ossory, Earl of, Chap. III. ; His 
Letter to Corporation, 45, 66. 

Ostmen in Dublin, IS. 

Ould, Rev. Fielding, Chaplain, B. C, 
276, 280, 288. 

Oxmantown, 19 ct .'t'/. ; Allotments 
of, 4:?. 

Parliament, in B. C, Chap. VIII., 

165 ct seq. 
Patrick's, St., Cathedral, ^lemorial of 

Dr. King, 158 ; B. C. Boys march 

to, 261. 
Paul's, St., Church and Parish, 126. 
Penal Laws, 159. 
Pepy's Diary, 49. 
Philpot, Aid., Silver Cups, 56. 
Phipps, Constantine, Lord Chan., 132, 

148, 149. 
Physicians, K. and Q. College of, con- 
nection with B. C. 123, 129 153, 166, 

227, 247 ; Presidents of. Physicians 

of B. C, 123. 
Percy, Sir Anthony, L. M. Gov., 120. 
Pooley, Bp. Raphoe, Benefactor B. C, 

Preston, .Alderman John, Benefactor 

of B. C, Gov., 57, 250. 
Preston, John, Lord Tara, 57, 251, 

270, 272. 
Preston, Rev. Joseph, 270, 272. 


QuiNN, Aid. Mark, 46, 49, 59. 
Quin, James, 60, 62. 


Ram, Sir Abel, L. M. Gov., Expelled 

by Tyrconnell, 107. 
Read, Dr., Phys. to B. C, 288. 
Reader, Enoch, Evicted Clov., 49. 
Recorders Govrs., — 

Sir John Bysse, Ch. Baron, 1660. 
Sir Wm. Davys, C. J. King's B, 

1660, 1680. 
Sir Richard Ryves, 1080; Evicted 
by Tjrrconnell, 1688 ; Lord 
Commr. Great Seal, 1690. 
Sir John Barnwell, 1688 ; Baron 

Exch., 1689. 
Gerald Dillon, 1689 : Evicted by 

William III., 1690. 
Thos. Coote, 1690; Justice K. B., 



Recorders (jovts. — 

Neheniiah Donnellan, 1693 ; Baron 
Exch., 1H!)5; Ch. Baron, 1703. 

Sir William Handcock, 169;i. 

John Foster, 1701 ; Ch. J. Com. 
Pleas, 1714. 

John Rogerson, 1704 : Ch. Justice, 
K. B., 1727. 

Francis Stoyte, 1727. 

Eaton Stannard, Swift's Rec, 1733. 

Thomas Morgan, 1749. 

James Grattan, 1756. 

Sir Samuel Bradstreet. Bart., 1766 ; 
Justice K. B., 1784. 

Dufllcy Hussey, 1785. 

Denis George, 1785; Baron Exeh., 

William Walker, 1795. 

Sir Jonas Greene, 1822. 

Sir Frederick Shaw, Bart.. 1828. 

iSee iinder above vears. 
Religious Education in B. C, 88, 101, 

120, 157, 175, 176, 275, 279, and see 

Richards, Rev. T. R, 76, 291. 
Richmond, Duke of, L. L., Gov., 248. 
Rice, Chief Baron, 107. 
Rogerson, Sir John, L. M. Gov., 114, 

Rogerson, John, Rec. and L. C. J., 162. 
Rokeby, Lord Primate, Gov., 118. 
Royal Arms in B. C, 115. 
Rutland, Duke of, L. L., 220. 

Sackville Street, 233, 237. 

Scaldbrother's Hole, 23, 210. 

Shannon, Lord, Henry Boyle, 196. 

Shaw, Sir Robt., 255."^ 

Shaw, Sir Frederick, 289. 

Sheriffs. High, Fines to B. C, 207, 226, 
241, 289. 

Shiel, Rt. Hon. R. Lalor, 85. 

Smith, Erasmus Board, 155, 240, 

Smith, William, Gov., Whittington of 
Dublin, 76 et seq. 

Smyth, Edward, Sculptor, 199. 

Social State of Dublin, 1660, 29 et seq. 

Somerton, Viscount, 240, see Norman- 

Somerville, Sir James, Gov., 181. 

Stanley, Sir John, 25. 

Stannard. Eaton, Rec, Gov., 192. 

Stephens. St., Green, allotted, 43. 

Steyne Riveret, 2 ; Pillar, 5. 

Stone, Primate, 196. 

Strafford, Lord, Open Spaces order, S. 

Sutton, Alderman, Gov., 225, 260. 

Swift, Dean — 

On Mark Quinn, 59; On Three 
Years War, 140; Swift and Lord 
Abercorn, 159 ; The Grattans, 
176 ; Gov. of B. C, 159, 161, 162, 
186 ; Influence on Lord Carteret 
and Parlt., 169, 226; Three 
Unpublished Letters, 184. 

Tandy, J. Xapper, Gov., 216. 

Temi)le, Sir John, M. R., 7, 65. 

Temple, Su- John, Sol-Gen., 86. 

Thingmount, Danish, 8, et seq. 

Thorkill, 20. 

Thome, Steward of B. C, 171, 178. 

Three Years War, 137 et seq. 

Tichborne, Sir H., Benefactor, 48. 

Tickell, Irish Secretary, 171. 

Tighe, Aid. R., Gov., 49, 57. 

Toll Corn Annuity to B. C, 136, 221, 
240, 242. 

Tottie, L. M. Gov., 52. 

Trench. Thos. F. Cooke, 151. 

Trinity College Buildings, 231, 233, 235 

Trinity, Guild of ^lerchants. Annuity, 
to B. C, 121 ; IMathematical School 
in B. C, 127 ; Wardens, Govs., 122. 

Tristram and Isoult, 99 ; Note. 

Tyrconnell, Duke of, Chap. V. 


Usher, Sir William, 3, 29. 
Usher, Primate, 37, 158. 


Van Homrigh, Bartholomew, Gov., 

108, 116. 
Van Nost, Statue of Geo. II., 201, of 

George III., 234. 
Vaughan, George, and B. C, 185. 
Vierpyl, Simon, Statuary, 199, 209. 


Ware, Sir James, 20. 
Wellesley. Marquess. 261. 
Wellington, Duke of. 165. 
Wesley, Lord Mornington, Gov., 165. 
Wettenhall, Ed., Chaplin B. C. ; 

Bishop of Cork, 41, 87. 
Whateley, Archbishop, 288, 290. 
Whitelaw, Rev. James, 243, 259. 


Whiteway, John, Surgeon B. C, 226. 

Whitshed, Cli. Justice, 60, 62. 

Wide Street Commissioners, 235, 237. 

Williamson, Rev. W., 131. 

William III., King, 111; gives Collar 

SS. to Lord Mayor, 112 ; Statue by 

S. Gibbons, 118. 
Wilson, Jolin, Architect and Regr. 

B. C, 211, 227. 

Wybrants, Barth., Regr. B. C. 116; 

Tragedy in Family, 174. 
Wyndham, Lord Chan., 166, 171, 267. 


York, Frederick, Duke of, Duel with 
Richmond, 248 


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